Us & Them: Our Foster Care Crisis

Across the nation, more than 390,000 children rely on foster care. However, a shortage of licensed foster homes is creating a national crisis. While official foster care cases are carefully tracked, many informal examples of kinship care aren’t part of the data. For this Us & Them episode, we hear the experiences of those who’ve been part of the foster care system.

There’s a foster care crisis in America. Nationally, more than 390,000 children are in foster care. In West Virginia, that’s just over 6,000 children who need a safe place to call home. Last year, more than half of all states saw their number of licensed homes drop, some as high as 60 percent. That challenge comes because new foster parents don’t stay in the system for long.

On this episode of Us & Them, host Trey Kay hears about the shortage of licensed foster homes. Foster care is most often needed because of parental substance use, mental health challenges, poverty and neglect.

While official foster care cases are tracked and overseen by state agencies and nonprofit organizations, there are many informal kinds of so-called kinship care that are not official or included in state data. Some experts say the number of those kinship cases drives the stakes of the challenge much higher.

This episode of Us & Them is presented with support from the West Virginia Humanities Council, CRC Foundation and Daywood Foundation. Subscribe to Us & Them on Apple Podcasts, NPR One, RadioPublic, Spotify, Stitcher and beyond.


Dominic Snuffer was 5 when he and his four younger siblings went into the first of their foster care homes.

“I was in several foster care situations… I think three or four. It always seemed short and seemed as if we were getting bounced around. The hard part was probably just the beginning, how much I just always try to keep my siblings in check. I felt as if, if they behaved in a way, just like the other situations we might get taken away. It feels like yesterday that I got adopted. It went by fast. The things that make me smile was definitely adoption day. ‘Cause I knew, I finally found a family and I could try and live out the rest of my childhood.”

— Dominic Snuffer

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
Larry Cooper is executive vice president of Innovation at The Children’s Home Network (CHN) of Tampa Bay, Florida. The agency works with kids in the foster care system and also provides services to prevent and support families from ever entering into the foster care system. Cooper has worked at CHN for more than 20 years, and he’s spent 8 years licensing foster homes while recruiting and training new foster parents. Cooper says some of the challenges bringing in new foster parents comes from an approval process that’s strict for a reason – but can take more than 12 months. A lot of people drop out along the way.

“You might fall off because of just life experiences that you may be going through. You might have a change in jobs. You might have an illness in your family. You might have a death in the family. And so I used to see for every 100 parents that I recruited, I might get only four to six families actually get a kid into their home for every hundred that would call me and be interested in becoming a foster parent.”

— Larry Cooper

Photo Credit: The Children’s Home Network
Marc and Brandi Wilson live in St. Clairsville, Ohio — just across the river from Wheeling, West Virginia. Brandi was a Child Protective Services worker in West Virginia for 20 years. One day back in 2014, her work at the Department of Health and Human Resources and her personal life collided when they became foster parents to a baby related to Marc.

“They both took the stand and said that they give up the rights to their child, I just started breaking down. [Brandi] was sitting beside me like this and she looked over at me. She said, ‘What’s wrong?’ I said, ‘I can never imagine saying that about my own child.’ She was kind of numb to it because she’s worked in the field. It was hard to hear somebody say that.” — Marc Wilson

“It wasn’t until he was sitting next to me in the courtroom that I realized not everybody hears relinquishment. Not everybody hears abuse, neglect. Not everybody hears that – as CPS workers [this is] just everyday language. So once I was with him and realized, OK, this isn’t everybody’s life. They may have drug issues, domestic violence, gangs coming in and out of their home, but these words are not everyday life for a lot of people.” — Brandi Wilson

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
Rachel Kinder supervises The Kinship Navigator Program with Mission West Virginia, a nonprofit that’s been around since 1997. Kinder has been working with the foster care system for more than two decades, and has seen lots of trends. In 2019, there was a record high of 7,200 children in West Virginia’s foster care system. She says, while it’s one thing to count the legal cases overseen by the Department of Human Services, there are many informal kinds of kinship care that are not official or included in state data.

“I can tell you the number of kids in formal care, so if there are 6,078 kids in foster care in West Virginia, right now 58 percent of those are in kinship relative placements. For kids in informal care, where grandma or an aunt or some type of relative or even what we call fictive* kin has stepped in, it’s almost impossible to get numbers on that.”

— Rachel Kinder

*Fictive care refers to placements where a foster parent knows the child but is not related to them. This could be a teacher, family friend or a neighbor.

Photo Credit: Mission West Virginia
There’s a clear need for foster families across the nation and in West Virginia. Nikki and Louisa Snuffer knew they would consider becoming foster parents when it came time for them to start a family. There’s a lot going on at their Sissonville home. The couple currently has 12 children, ranging from ages 10 months to 20 years old. Plus, they breed French Bulldogs.

“It actually was a pretty easy decision, because we were both on the same page almost always with helping people. I’ve known since probably my early high school years that I did want to do foster care. However, we really wanted no more than maybe three. And the way life and things happen, we got five at one time. I have two brothers who were put in foster care that I never knew and I still don’t know. So we made a commitment that when we got into it, that we would never split up families.” — Louisa Snuffer

“If they call us for a sibling group, we’re not going to say no to them because that was our number one belief. Like, ‘We need to do whatever we can to keep siblings together.’ When we were initially approved, we were approved for four children. So, DHHR told us we could have four children in the house, given the space. And that was kind of our cap. I said, ‘Maybe we’ll do three tops,’ you know, that seems like a manageable number. And the very first call we got for placement was a sibling group of five. Of course we said yes. We had to do a few things to get approved for a fifth child. They moved in with us. Things went great.” — Nikki Snuffer

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
Nikki Snuffer is holding her granddaughter. Many of the children the Snuffers have cared for, they know through Nikki’s job at Winfield High School. She’s an instructor for the Future Leaders Program, which is the National Guard’s high school curriculum that’s taught by veterans. In the program, students learn leadership and life skills, science, career prep and other subjects.

“[For] my kids that have gone to Winfield, I make them go through the [Future Leaders] program. Not because I’m teaching it, but because even if it wasn’t me, I’d want them to get these skills. It’s the kind of things that are forgotten these days.”

— Nikki Snuffer

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting

Us & Them: Locked Out Of Voting?

Millions of people in the U.S. cannot vote because they’ve been convicted of a felony. A majority of those are not currently in prison, but on probation or parole. In this episode, we look at the nation’s patchwork of voting rights laws and the confusion they can create.

More than 4.5 million Americans cannot vote because of a felony conviction but only about a quarter are currently in prison. 

On the newest episode of Us & Them, host Trey Kay talks with people who support expanded voting rights for felons, and those who say people who’ve committed crimes should forfeit their rights until they serve their entire sentence, including any probation or parole. 

Felon disenfranchisement laws differ significantly from state to state and even legal experts say it can be difficult for someone to know their rights. In a few states, a person can vote from prison, while in others, voting rights are restored upon release or completion of parole or probation. Despite recent trends to expand voting rights, some states are moving in the opposite direction. In Florida, voters passed an amendment to restore voting rights to most people with felonies, but lawmakers passed a new law requiring that people pay all of their court fees first. And in Virginia, only the governor can restore the right to vote for someone convicted of a felony. 

This episode of Us & Them is presented with support from the West Virginia Humanities Council and the CRC Foundation.

Subscribe to Us & Them on Apple Podcasts, NPR One, RadioPublic, Spotify, Stitcher and beyond.


Anthony Cole, 32, is from Huntington, West Virginia. He was released from prison in May 2023 after serving 12 and a half years for second-degree murder.

“I started life over, I’m living as a productive citizen. I work for the food bank. I’m trying to give back to the community at the same time, as well as feed myself. Like, I’m back into society, I should be able to be a part of society … That’s what our politics and our whole system is off of. [It’s] supposed to be equality … But it feels even less than now because my voice is completely silenced in that matter.”

— Anthony Cole

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
Sara Carter is a legal fellow with the Brennan Center, a nonprofit dedicated to civil liberties and voting rights. She tracks nationwide trends and variations in voting laws for felons from state to state. She says in some states, felons can vote no matter what crimes they’ve been convicted of — even from prison. On the other end of the spectrum, in Virginia, for example, those convicted of a felony can only restore their voting rights with an appeal to the governor.

“Everyone should be able to have a say in who governs them, and everyone should be able to be represented, no matter how they choose to exercise that right when it comes to an election.”

— Sara Carter

Photo Credit: Brennan Center for Justice
Natalie Delia Deckard is an associate professor of criminology at the University of Windsor in Ontario, Canada.

“There is absolutely no way to talk about voting rights in the United States without talking about the fact that the United States has the highest incarceration rate in not only the world but in world history. We know that incarceration is not sprinkled randomly through the society, it’s not just that men are overwhelmingly more likely to have criminal records. It’s that racialized men are more likely to have criminal records, because of the ways in which we understand crime … It’s also about poverty and class. It’s poor men that go to jail, they go to prison. We absolutely know that class divisions very much predict voting divisions.”

— Natalie Delia Deckard

Photo Credit: University of Windsor
Mac Warner is West Virginia’s Secretary of State. He’s running for governor this year as a Republican.

“They have violated the state code, they have committed a criminal offense. And they have shown that they are not worthy at that time, they’ve done something to go against the people of the state of West Virginia. And so we wouldn’t want people who are committing crimes to then be a part of a system that would allow them to vote for someone who may then decide to change and say, ‘These criminal offenses are OK.’ It serves as a deterrent value. So people know that they lose those rights when they commit an offense. And, again, this is just part of the criminal justice system. We all want them to be a part of society, again, with voting rights, but we want them to serve their time for the crime that they committed. There is no effort to suppress votes or to keep somebody from voting.”

— Mac Warner, West Virginia’s Secretary of State

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
Mike Stuart was the former U.S. attorney for the Southern District of West Virginia. He currently serves in the West Virginia State Senate and is running for state attorney general.

“I know that we live in a period of time, where there’s a heavy emphasis on criminal rights. I support that, too. We’ve got to make sure we treat folks humanely, that we try to be in the business of rehab and rehabilitation and treatment, especially when it comes to the drug scourge. But I’m focused on victims. …I fully support the idea of the restoration of rights, but after you’ve served your entire penance, to society … and that means … not only your time behind bars, but your period of supervised release, if there’s a period of probation, it’s at the end of that entirety, that you ought to get the restoration of rights. West Virginia already does this today. I just think I’m one of those folks that truly believe that there’s a purpose to punishment, we don’t do it to hurt people. We do it for the rehabilitation part … they’re not part-time, or lesser citizens because they don’t have the right to vote. And we didn’t take that right from them. They took it from themselves when they committed the heinous crime, whatever crime it happened to be.”

— Mike Stuart, WV State Senator

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
Autumn McCraw was born and raised in West Virginia. She says she used drugs for several years and spent more than two and a half years in prison for felony convictions. After she was released from her most recent incarceration, she went to a recovery residence. She says she hasn’t used drugs in over six years. After she was released from parole, she registered to vote and decided to laminate her voter registration card.

“I opened the card … and I held it in my hand, and I just looked at it and I’m like, ‘I have arrived.’ It was a really emotional moment for me. I cried because I felt like I belonged again. Like I can contribute again. Like this is my ticket back into the forefront of society and not just necessarily in the shadows or in the underbelly.”

— Autumn McCraw

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting

Us & Them: Another Small Town Paper Down

Across the nation, there are more and more local news deserts; communities with no local newspaper, television or radio station to cover what’s going on. When a small town paper like The Welch News in McDowell County, WV, can’t compete and shuts down, losing those local eyes and ears can affect accountability. No one is there to watch over things. Local news also provides a sense of cohesion and identity for a community. What happens when it’s gone? This story was supported by the Pulitzer Center.

Our country’s divides often reveal themselves in our choices and habits, including how and where we get our information. As the economics of the media landscape have imploded, the economics of the industry have forced changes. In the past two decades, online sites have taken over much of the income stream from classified ads and general advertising. That has led newspapers and broadcasters to slash thousands of jobs. Many local news outlets have gone out of business and there are now more than 200 counties across the country with no source of local news. 

One of those is McDowell County in West Virginia. Last year, publisher Missy Nester was forced to shut down the Welch Daily News after a valiant effort to keep the paper running. Join host Trey Kay and reporter Todd Melby on this episode of Us & Them to see what happens when local news organizations stop telling the stories of a community.

This episode of Us & Them is presented with support from the Pulitzer Center, the West Virginia Humanities Council and the CRC Foundation.

Subscribe to Us & Them on Apple Podcasts, NPR One, RadioPublic, Spotify, Stitcher and beyond.


Derek Tyson and Missy Nester on the back steps of the now shuttered building that housed The Welch News.

Photo Credit: Todd Melby
Downtown Welch, West Virginia.

Photo Credit: Todd Melby
Before the Welch Daily News shut down operations, publisher Missy Nester bought another regional paper, the Pineville Independent-Herald for $1.

Photo Credit: Todd Melby
Missy Nester, taking a break in the printing press room of The Welch News.

Photo Credit: Todd Melby
Missy Nester kept a collection of coal-related books and pamphlets in her office, including some from the last century showing several dozen coal companies operating in McDowell County.

Photo Credit: Todd Melby
The Welch News closed down operations in March 2023.

Photo Credit: Todd Melby
A discarded iMac rests on top of bound copies of The Welch News.

Photo Credit: Todd Melby
The Welch News printing press dates to 1966, says publisher Missy Nester.

Photo Credit: Todd Melby
The Welch News hired drivers three days a week to deliver the paper to homes in nearly every holler, road and neighborhood in McDowell County.

Photo Credit: Todd Melby
Derek Tyson and Missy Nester on a smoke break in the front office of The Welch News before the paper shut down in 2023.

Photo Credit: Todd Melby
Us & Them Host Trey Kay with Steve Waldman, co-founder of Report for America, which is modeled on Teach for America. Instead of bringing teachers to schools, Waldman’s focus is on bringing reporters to newsrooms around the nation. He’s currently the president of Rebuild Local News, a nonprofit dedicated to finding new ways to fund local journalism.

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting

Us & Them Encore: Dicamba Woes

In February, a federal judge in Arizona halted the spraying of the herbicide dicamba, but the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) says farmers are allowed to use it for this coming growing season. In this installment of Us & Them, we listen back to a story from our archives, exploring the heated conflict unraveling in agricultural communities.

There’s a nationwide rift among farmers over the use of dicamba, a popular herbicide. A 2024 federal court ruling has halted dicamba’s use, but the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has given the green light for farmers to use existing supplies this year.

In this episode of Us & Them, we revisit a story from our archives that delves into the intense battle unfolding in farm country. Originally designed to help soybean farmers combat ‘pigweed,’ dicamba has proven controversial because it drifts from where it’s sprayed, causing harm to desirable plants. The legal fallout has reached a point where farmers and gardeners hesitate to speak out about crop or plant damage due to fear.

On the flip side, those advocating for dicamba have taken the matter to court, challenging the authority over pesticide use rules in some states. In a departure from the typical tight-knit atmosphere of rural farm communities, where issues are often resolved locally, Arkansas is experiencing an un-neighborly atmosphere, with tensions escalating.

This episode of Us & Them is presented with support from the Fund for Investigative Journalism, the West Virginia Humanities Council and the CRC Foundation.

Subscribe to Us & Them on Apple Podcasts, NPR One, RadioPublic, Spotify, Stitcher and beyond.


Terry Fuller, former member of the Arkansas Plant Board, shows Us & Them host Trey Kay the place where several of his hay bales were set ablaze not long after he made public statements calling for limitation on the use of a special formulation of dicamba during the growing season. Fuller also says that two of his tractors were vandalized which caused more than $60,000 worth of damage.

Photo Credit: Loretta Williams
Terry Fuller, former member of the Arkansas Plant Board, displays a couple of signs that have repeatedly been posted alongside the roads near his house. One sign could be seen from his daughter’s bedroom window on Christmas Day.

Photo Credit: Loretta Williams
Richard Coy’s family has been in the honey producing business since the 1960s. Over the years, Coy’s Honey Farm became the largest commercial bee business in Arkansas. Coy claims dicamba has had an adverse effect on the plant life necessary for honey bees to thrive and produce honey. He says the conditions got so bad that he and his family had to move their business from Arkansas to Mississippi.

Photo Credit: Loretta Williams
Franklin Fogelman, a soybean farmer in Arkansas, speaking at a special session of the Arkansas Plant Board in 2019. He believes farmers like him need to be able to use dicamba during the growing season to control weeds in their fields.

Photo Credit: Loretta Williams
Reed Storey, a soybean and cotton farmer, opposes the use of the newer formulations of dicamba during the growing season because he believes the herbicide can harm the crops of neighboring farmers. He sees this as “big agriculture against smaller growers.”

Photo Credit: Loretta Williams
Charles “Bo” Sloan is the manager of the Dale Bumpers White River Wildlife Refuge in Arkansas. He says dicamba has a tendency to volatilize when the weather gets above 85 degrees. When the chemical transforms into a gas, it can drift away from its intended targets. Sloan has heard the complaints that dicamba might adversely impact agriculture, and is also worried that it might be harming the environment in some of the nation’s protected lands.

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting

Check out the original Farm Wars episode the Us & Them team produced for Reveal in 2019.

Lawmakers Discuss Women’s Health Needs On This West Virginia Morning

On this West Virginia Morning, many bills and amendments have been introduced in the state legislature this year that focus on women’s health policy. But feminine hygiene isn’t one of them. Briana Heaney talks with Sen. Patricia Rucker, R-Jefferson, and Del. Anitra Hamilton, D-Monongalia, about women’s health in the state and legislation that affects women.

On this West Virginia Morning, many bills and amendments have been introduced in the state legislature this year that focus on women’s health policy. But feminine hygiene isn’t one of them. Briana Heaney talks with Sen. Patricia Rucker, R-Jefferson, and Del. Anitra Hamilton, D-Monongalia, about women’s health in the state and legislation that affects women.

Also, in this show, aftereffects from the coronavirus pandemic continue to challenge our health care systems. The most recent spotlight is on Medicaid which offers health coverage for more than 90 million Americans with limited resources. After several years of continuous coverage, everyone must now reapply to determine eligibility. In a new episode of Us & Them, host Trey Kay reports on how that process is going for residents of the Mountain State. 

Kay talked with Deedra Toppings about her experience. She was covered by Medicaid when her headaches began eight years ago, but that changed. We listen to an excerpt from our latest episode. To hear this full episode, tune in to WVPB Radio on Thursday, Feb. 22 at 8 p.m., on Saturday, Feb. 24 at 3 p.m. or on your own time at wvpublic.org.

West Virginia Morning is a production of West Virginia Public Broadcasting which is solely responsible for its content.

Support for our news bureaus comes from Shepherd University.

Eric Douglas is our news director and producer.

Listen to West Virginia Morning weekdays at 7:43 a.m. on WVPB Radio or subscribe to the podcast and never miss an episode. #WVMorning

Us & Them: Navigating Post-Pandemic Medicaid

Medicaid is undergoing a major review to determine the eligibility of millions, but not everyone is getting the notice. For this Us & Them, we look at changes to a health care safety net program that serves more than 90 million low-income Americans.

Our health care systems continue to struggle from aftereffects of the coronavirus pandemic. 

The most recent example spotlights Medicaid — a joint federal and state program that provides health coverage for more than 90 million Americans with limited resources. After several years of continuous coverage, now everyone must reapply for eligibility. 

In this episode of Us & Them, host Trey Kay reports more than a quarter of West Virginia residents rely on Medicaid for their healthcare. It pays for three-quarters of West Virginia’s nursing home residents, and nearly half of the state’s school kids use Medicaid to pay for their annual checkups. However, the application process is finding many ineligible because of changes in personal information and contact data that weren’t updated in the system. 

Join us as we look at the ‘unwinding’ of Medicaid, as millions of the nation’s most vulnerable struggle to maintain their health coverage. 

This episode of Us & Them is presented with support from the West Virginia Humanities Council, the Daywood Foundation and the CRC Foundation.

Subscribe to Us & Them on Apple Podcasts, NPR One, RadioPublic, Spotify, Stitcher and beyond.


Tricia Brooks, a research professor at the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families, parses out the nitty gritty details behind Medicaid access to explain how Medicaid coverage changed under the pandemic. The re-enrollment process for Medicaid involves millions of people, but the government cracking down on eligibility isn’t new. Like many safety net programs, Brooks told Us & Them’s Trey Kay that Medicaid is vulnerable to the push and pull of politics in Washington.

“In 2018, there were efforts made by the administration at that time to have a chilling effect on Medicaid and Medicaid enrollment for kids dropped by one million kids. And that same year, the uninsured rate for kids went up by a half a percentage point. We’d gotten down to about 5 percent uninsured kids. If we’ve lost 3.5 million, we’re talking about another 50 percent increase in the share of uninsured children in this country. And that would be a real travesty after decades of working to try to bring health coverage to almost every American child.” — Tricia Brooks, Georgetown University Center for Children and Families

Photo Credit: Georgetown University
Director Craig Robinson oversees Cabin Creek Health Systems, a Federally Qualified Health Center (FQHC) in West Virginia. Cabin Creek, like other FQHCs, exists to give low-cost care to people in need. Robinson showed Trey Kay the 14-page Medicaid application the government sent out after the COVID-19 health emergency ended. He said people are required to fill it out and send it back, to determine their ongoing eligibility for Medicaid coverage.

“I’ve actually tried to complete it [the form] myself. And I couldn’t get through it because I couldn’t understand what they were asking for. They want to know about the situation of everybody in the family, including their medical situation. They want to know about your assets, and I had no idea that assets mattered in terms of Medicaid eligibility. I thought it was all income. But they’re asking for, what’s in your checking account, what’s in your savings account kind of thing. How do I fill this out in a way that I don’t mistakenly declare myself ineligible?” — Craig Robinson, director of Cabin Creek Health Systems, Charleston, West Virginia

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
Jake Van Horn is a psychologist and community impact officer for Cabin Creek Health Systems in Charleston, West Virginia.

“It’s extremely short sighted to think that the upfront or initial investment in something like Medicaid doesn’t pay you dividends, in the long run. A community being better put together. Having better health care creates better employees, creates better employment opportunities, creates growth, creates better parents, creates better kids, creates better caregivers. People not struggling so much to maintain basic health, does create a more advantageous society.” — Jake Van Horn, Cabin Creek Health Systems, Charleston, West Virginia

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
Katie May, psychologist and clinical director for Cabin Creek Health System’s Comprehensive Addiction Recovery Program, said that many of her substance use disorder patients don’t have time to parse through Medicaid’s 14-page re-enrollment form that’s full of legalese.

“Some of them might be experiencing homelessness. I was on Medicaid during graduate school and just graduated a while ago. And so when they started doing these annual reviews again, I was getting call after call from Medicaid to do my reviews and I was thinking, ‘How are my patients missing these reviews? They won’t leave me alone.’ But it’s also a privilege that I’ve had the same phone number for 15 years and that I have an address forwarding that they were able to keep up with me. Some of my patients, for various reasons, have a different cell phone number every couple months. Whether it’s their phone is being stolen; they’re losing their phone; they can’t afford a service and are having to change services. So, yes, a 14-page application, but that’s even if they get it. And then my patients are coming in and the first time that they’re finding out about this is us telling them, ‘Oh, it looks like your Medicaid has expired.’ And then there’s panic, of course, because that’s how they get their treatment. That’s how they get lifesaving medication.” — Katie May, Cabin Creek Health Systems, Charleston, West Virginia

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
It’s true that publicly funded medical insurance opens the door for a lot of Americans to take better care of their health. Deedra Toppings, from Branchland, West Virginia, has had significant health challenges, some of which came during the pandemic when she was not working and eligible for Medicaid. COVID-19-era policies gave Deedra’s family a taste of stable insurance that actually worked for them. But when she returned to work, the circumstances changed. As Medicaid returns to business as usual, people are losing resources that made their lives better.

“I feel like we’re being punished because we want to work and we want to better our lives and make sure our children have what they need. When I didn’t work, and we didn’t want more for our lives, we would get the Medicaid and it would help with the hospital bills, the doctor bills, whatever. But because we both want to work, I mean, we do not make a ton of money, we don’t have extras, we don’t have all of this stuff. It just kind of feels like we’re punished, because when we work, then we don’t get the help that I necessarily need for my health.” — Deedra Toppings, Branchland, West Virginia

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
James Hairston, 63, is a disabled coal miner living in St. Albans, West Virginia. He told Trey Kay that his disability occurred when “1,800 pounds of sandstone and coal” collapsed on him and pinned him to the mine floor. Hairston and his wife are both disabled. He used to get Medicaid benefits, which meant he could use home health care. That provided help with household chores and meals. He didn’t see it as a handout, just some help. Under the COVID-19 emergency declaration, Hairston couldn’t be removed from Medicaid. But once that ended, the state reported that he made too much to qualify.

“It’s a real hurting feeling. I’ve worked to provide a good living for my wife and kids. It’s hard for me to look at it and say, ‘Well, you know, you cut me off.’ And I didn’t bring this pain and all this stuff to myself. It’s just, I mean, I love what I was doing and I miss it so bad and I still had a lot of good years left in me.” — James Hairston

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
James Hairston shows the crack in the miner’s helmet that he was wearing the day the mine ceiling fell in on him and ended his coal mining career.

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting
Eric Hicks works with a range of Medicaid clients, including James Hairston, through the local home care company he runs called Right At Home. Right At Home is a nationwide franchise and in West Virginia, most of the company’s business comes from Medicaid patients. Hicks says when the government stops paying for a person’s home care, it puts families in a bind. Most times, they’ll try to find friends or family to help out. If that’s not available, the only other alternative is often a skilled nursing facility.

Trey Kay asked Hicks what Medicaid gives someone like James Hairston. The answer is simple: autonomy.

“There is absolutely a place for skilled nursing facilities and the services that they provide. When a person graduates from in-home care, that’s where they go, because we cannot meet all their needs. But it’s that gap in between, that people want to stay at home and they have the ability to stay at home if they have a little bit of assistance. They want to have all their things that they have at home and not be forced to leave their home to go to a place that they’re not comfortable with. A lot of people don’t want to be in a more institutionalized setting, they want to be able to comfortably have as many of their family and friends over to visit whenever they want to come by, not be restricted by time constraints, et cetera.” — Eric Hicks, president of Right at Home, Charleston, West Virginia

Photo Credit: Trey Kay/West Virginia Public Broadcasting

Check out our colleague Emily Rice’s AP of the Virginias award-nominated series Unwinding Medicaid.

Exit mobile version