What To Know As Lawmakers Redraw W.Va. Political Maps

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This story was originally published by Mountain State Spotlight. Get stories like this delivered to your email inbox once a week; sign up for the free newsletter at https://mountainstatespotlight.org/newsletter

For months, West Virginia lawmakers have met both publicly and privately to determine how the state will be divided into new political districts that will affect state and federal elections for the next decade.

The process, known as redistricting, occurs every 10 years, after the U.S. Census. As populations in the state and country shift, so must the political boundaries: This ensures that constituents in any given area have roughly the same voting power as constituents in another.

Starting Monday, the Legislature will convene a special session to finalize maps proposed by redistricting committees in the House of Delegates and state Senate. The House committee, chaired by Delegate Gary Howell, R-Mineral, has already proposed a single map for delegate districts. The Senate committee, chaired by Sen. Charles Trump, R-Morgan, has proposed multiple maps, but has yet to choose one that will advance to the full Legislature for a vote.

Both committees have proposed many different options for re-drawing the state’s congressional districts, which will shrink from three to two in the next election.

With multiple major changes set to take place, this year’s process will be one of the most consequential for West Virginia in decades.

The process will also be led by a Republican Party that has a supermajority in both the House of Delegates and the Senate, as well as control of the Governor’s Mansion — the first time the party has controlled all three since the Great Depression-era.

What’s at stake for West Virginians?

How political boundaries are drawn can have massive impacts on how elections play out, and which communities are able to send representatives to the Statehouse, even when you don’t account for how the people within those boundaries vote.

And because of a 2018 law that requires the current 67 House of Delegates districts be divided into 100, there are lots of new lines for lawmakers to draw.

One example of a place where this rearranging could have real consequences is Martinsburg. The current proposed delegate district map divides the city among four delegate districts, with each of those districts fanning out into surrounding, more rural areas.

With a population of 18,777 as of the most recent census, an entire delegate district could theoretically fit within the boundaries of the city, guaranteeing residents a lamaker that would represent the city alone in every election. But drawing the lines to split up Martinsburg and include outlying areas means that voters will have to share delegates with residents from surrounding areas, whose needs, priorities and political leanings may diverge.

Will the process be fair?

West Virginia is one of 10 states in the country where lawmakers control the redistricting process, as opposed to an independent commission, or some combination of lawmakers and independent citizens. While a legislative-run process does not mean there will be gerrymandering — the manipulation of political boundaries with the intent to influence future elections — it suggests an inherent conflict of interest. The lines drawn by lawmakers will have an impact on their party’s future, as well their personal political careers.

Sometimes gerrymandering appears in a partisan way, like when a majority party is trying to cement its control of a legislature. Sometimes it’s to dilute the influence of racial groups, or communities bound by a shared language or history.

Bills to move the state to a redistricting process run by an independent, bipartisan or nonpartisan commission have been introduced many times over the decades by West Virginia lawmakers. While such moves have frequently been supported by members of the minority party, Democrats and Republicans alike, the majority party has always shot them down.

And while fair elections advocates across the political spectrum have advocated for moving to single-member delegate districts, like West Virginia is doing this year, some fear that adding more boundaries can lead to more gerrymandering, especially when lawmakers are drawing those lines..

In 2019, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that federal courts could not strike down political maps over partisan gerrymandering, no matter how blatant.

This year, leaders of the West Virginia House and Senate redistricting committees promised transparency. Lawmakers held public hearings across the state to collect input from citizens about how their communities should be divided. However, there is no requirement that lawmakers take this input into account.

Lawmakers have also repeatedly solicited citizen input on the proposed maps that are set to be voted on by the full Legislature. But with only days to go until lawmakers are set to vote on those, the Senate redistricting committee has still yet to decide on a final Senate district map to set forward. The House committee released their sole proposed map on Sept. 30, less than two weeks before the recently-announced special session.

Democrats in the House of Delegates have already raised concerns that they’re being treated unfairly, with little time to push back against proposed maps. Nearly half of their caucus in the chamber has been drawn into a district with another incumbent, which means someone will definitely lose a seat unless they move to a new district. In four districts, Democrats have been pitted against fellow Democrats, and in two districts, Democrat delegates were drawn in with a Republican.

Howell, for his part, has said that he did not look at lawmakers’ addresses when drawing the maps.

What are the rules?

All electoral districts, federal and local, must be roughly equal in population across the state, a concept known as “one person, one vote.” If one district had a significantly higher population than another, citizens in the more populous district would have their individual votes diluted.

Generally, congressional districts should have a population deviance of no more than 1%. Similarly, courts have largely held that delegate and state senatorial districts that deviate by no more than 10% between the most and least populous districts can stand.

In West Virginia, lawmakers are also required to keep counties together as much as possible by not crossing county lines when drafting districts. And the state constitution holds that districts must be compact and contiguous.

When it comes to both differences in population and deviations from county lines, lawmakers must be ready to defend their decisions in court. Keeping a community, or specific city, together, for example, could be a justification for allowing one district to have a larger population than another. But a lawsuit could be successful if deviations are found to be arbitrary.

The 1965 Voting Rights Act also prohibits lawmakers from gerrymandering communities along racial lines — or from dividing up minority communities to dilute their power of their vote.

Why is this all happening so fast?

Because of delays due to the COVID-19 pandemic, delivery of the results of the 2020 census were delayed from April to August.

The changing delegate district map could also create electoral complications if it’s finalized after November, especially for incumbents. State law requires that candidates live in a district for one year prior to an election. As it stands, because the number of districts is increasing, 33 of the districts don’t exist yet. And a lawmaker drawn into a district with a fellow incumbent may want to move into a district without an incumbent to run again with less established opposition.

What happens next?

Both the House and Senate redistricting committees still need to vote to advance their proposed maps to the whole statehouse. Once there, lawmakers will vote to advance them to the Governor’s desk as is, or make amendments, by majority vote. To initiate this process, Gov. Jim Justice called the legislature into a special session that will start Monday, Oct. 11.

After the maps have advanced through the chambers, Justice can sign the new maps into law, or veto them. Though a veto can be overridden with a simple majority vote, it’s a powerful symbolic gesture. In 2011, for example, then-Gov. Earl Ray Tomblin vetoed the first redistricting plan sent to his desk, and a second special session was called where lawmakers amended the maps to address some of his critiques.

Still, even after attaining the governor’s sign-off, the maps may face a final challenge: lawsuits. Historically speaking, a lawsuit over any new map is likely and officials are expecting them. Last week at a town hall meeting in Fairmont, Attorney General Patrick Morrisey noted that he was already preparing to allocate resources to defending whatever map the Legislature ends up passing.

W.Va. Lawmakers Promise Look At System That Left Foster Kids In Abusive Out-Of-State Facilities

This story was originally published by Mountain State Spotlight. Get stories like this delivered to your email inbox once a week; sign up for the free newsletter at https://mountainstatespotlight.org/newsletter

State legislative leaders are promising they will examine the conclusions of a Mountain State Spotlight investigation that found West Virginia’s foster care system leaves some kids in abusive out-of-state facilities where their safety could be at risk.

“The Legislature performs an ongoing oversight role for foster care and the issues contained in this report, and it will be vetted,” Senate President Craig Blair, R-Berkeley, said in a text message. “We have shown commitment to solving the state’s foster care issues and we aren’t going to stop until we do.”

The Mountain State Spotlight investigation, conducted in partnership with The GroundTruth Project, found 22 serious accounts of abuse and neglect at out-of-state facilities West Virginia has paid to care for its foster kids.

In several cases, the West Virginia Department of Health and Human Resources has continued or renewed contracts with the facilities despite its own inspection reports revealing abuse. A comprehensive picture of how DHHR handles such matters was impossible to assemble, largely because the agency withheld some key records and refused to answer detailed questions in interviews or in writing.

Delegate Mike Pushkin, the ranking Democrat on the House of Delegates Health and Human Resources Committee, said Mountain State Spotlight/GroundTruth’s reporting was the first he had heard that West Virginia children remained in out-of-state facilities after abuse and neglect came to DHHR’s attention.

“I think we personally need to be calling people to the carpet and asking, who dropped the ball and why were they not brought home?’” the Kanawha County delegate said last week on WCHS Radio in Charleston.

West Virginia legislators have not included the issue of out-of-state placements in any recent foster care legislation they’ve passed.

Senate Minority Leader Stephen Baldwin said he is writing a letter to DHHR Secretary Bill Crouch and Jeffrey Pack, commissioner for the newly created DHHR Bureau of Social Services, to request information about agency visits to foster kids and facility inspection reports. As a Raleigh County delegate, Pack headed the House health committee before he took the new DHHR job.

West Virginia social workers are required to visit foster kids living in out-of-state facilities in person every month. In October 2020, Mountain State Spotlight/GroundTruth began asking for records of visits, but the agency has not provided a comprehensive accounting of these monthly visits.

“I am concerned and am giving [DHHR] the chance to give me requested info. I need that info to inform what a policy response ought to look like,” said Baldwin, D-Greenbrier.

Baldwin added he would ask Blair to appoint him to the Legislative Oversight Commission on Health and Human Resources Accountability interim committee, which monitors DHHR’s actions. “I want to serve now to keep an eye on these issues,” he said.

A 2019 lawsuit filed on behalf of West Virginia foster kids raised serious questions about the state’s use of troubled out-of-state facilities. Among other things, the suit alleged West Virginia sent kids to unsafe homes and institutions that subjected the children to further abuse, neglect and trauma.

West Virginia officials criticized the suit, but two months later, DHHR inspectors verified some of the suit’s allegations, including that children at a facility in Ohio were tasked with more than two hours daily of cleaning and yard work that involved using sharp blades.

DHHR rejected a proposed settlement that would have included a third-party monitor of the state’s foster care system. In July 2021, U.S. District Judge Thomas Johnston dismissed the lawsuit, saying that the suit belonged in state court rather than federal court. The judge did not rule on any of the lawsuit’s allegations.

Attorneys for West Virginia kids are appealing Johnston’s decision.

Sending fewer West Virginia kids to out-of-state facilities is a difficult challenge. The state is plagued with generational poverty and trauma; drug use has worsened during the pandemic; and DHHR leaders have said they expect to see an additional wave of kids enter the system.

West Virginia lacks in-state facilities equipped to treat kids with emotional, behavioral and special education needs as well as substance abuse disorders. But Marissa Sanders, who leads the WV Foster, Adoptive, & Kinship Parents Network, said the state shouldn’t focus on increasing in-state facilities, because those are “still facilities, not homes.”

“While some children may need short-term in-patient treatment options, the vast majority can and should be served in their homes and communities,” Sanders said. “We need more mental health services provided in the community … We need training and support — including peer support — for families so they can provide care for kids in homes, not institutions.”

She added that leaders should focus on preventing kids from entering the system in the first place.

DHHR says the state has three programs up and running to prevent children from entering the foster care system, but acknowledges those programs either have not been well funded or have long wait lists. Other programs have worked in the past, but have eventually suffered from a lack of focus or funding.

“For this change to succeed, DHHR, legislators and service providers must interact regularly with families of all types — birth families, foster and kinship families, and adoptive families,” Sanders noted.

Reach reporter Amelia Ferrell Knisely at ameliaknisely@mountainstatespotlight.org

West Virginia Knows How To Keep Kids Out Of Foster Care. But Funding For Key Programs Has Been In Short Supply.

This story was originally published by Mountain State Spotlight. Get stories like this delivered to your email inbox once a week; sign up for the free newsletter at https://mountainstatespotlight.org/newsletter

When she was 15 years old, Danielle Gibson and her two younger siblings left their home in Mingo County for their first of four foster homes. Though there were bright spots during the siblings’ years in the foster care system, Gibson says they also were emotionally abused.

“There were so many horrible people I came across in care that were so good at convincing people they had their hearts in the right place,” said Gibson, now 24.

Gibson’s experience helped cement a career path that she’s pursuing through a West Virginia program that helps former foster kids pay for college. But that time in the foster care system has had consequences, too. Beyond the abuse, she said, the instability was partly what led her siblings to drop out of school — one college and the other high school.

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Morgantown, W.Va. – February 26th, 2021 – Danielle Gibson gets ready for work at a local gas station. She works almost fulltime in addition to her fulltime classload at West Virginia University.

Nationwide, researchers have found time in the foster care system can have lasting effects on kids. Foster children are at a significantly higher risk of developing mental and physical health problems than those who haven’t been in the system — challenges West Virginia kids are already more likely to confront compared with their peers elsewhere.

As the number of children in the state’s custody keeps growing — it’s increased 71% in the last decade — child welfare agencies keep turning to a familiar concept: figuring out what they can do to keep kids out of the system in the first place.

West Virginia has tried this type of prevention work over the years, but programs and kids have suffered without sustained focus and funding. While some of the programs have been successful, many have fallen victim to budget cuts and changing federal support. And even if the programs are up and running, there are long waiting lists, and they rarely operate in every county.

The stakes couldn’t be higher.

“We’re talking about lost generations,” said Beth Cook, a social worker in Logan County who used to work for the West Virginia Department of Health and Human Resources. “We’re talking about the future economy of the state.”

Finding success, losing funding

Under the best circumstances, prevention programs require foresight and planning. And in an agency like DHHR, already struggling with staff shortages and lots of kids, it’s “nearly impossible,” according to a report the agency published in 2019.

It hasn’t always been like this.

From 1990 to 1996, when Gaston Caperton was governor, kids’ issues generally received “more collective, thoughtful consideration, and strategic planning,” said Kelli Caseman of the nonprofit Think Kids.

“Unfortunately, in hindsight, they didn’t robustly evaluate the programs or interventions, and they didn’t keep a repository of data collections or reports,” Caseman said. “It seems, since that time, we keep repeating similar programming and strategies, and stopping them when the funding runs out.”

In the late 1990s, that’s what happened to a truancy program. DHHR funded hundreds of social workers across the state to help kids who were habitually missing school. Truancy can lead to juvenile court referrals, which can mean a child can wind up in the foster care system.

And this concentrated focus, with more than $9 million in federal grants, worked. According to Steve Tuck, CEO of the Children’s Home Society of West Virginia, the number of truant children entering the foster care system went down.

Five years later, the grants ran out and the specialized social workers, employed by agencies like Tuck’s, were laid off. A commission formed to study how to continue the program, and Tuck said some county school systems felt it was so beneficial, they used local money to keep it afloat. But money was tight and they eventually had to cut the programs too.

“It was before its time,” Tuck said of the program, some elements of which reemerged years later as part of a truancy diversion program under Gov. Earl Ray Tomblin.

Then, there was Project Homecoming. The program, which operated in the late 1980s and early 1990s, was designed to provide services to kids at home to avoid sending them to treatment facilities, especially outside West Virginia. The program was modeled after a similar one in Florida, said Sue Hage, a former DHHR deputy commissioner.

It’s hard to find evidence today that the program ever existed, but Hage said it worked.

“We saw success,” Hage said, noting that some of the practices implemented under the program continued well after it ended. But when federal grant money ran out, the state couldn’t sustain it.

Finding ways to keep foster children with complex mental health needs from entering group homes for treatment has dogged DHHR for decades. Years after Project Homecoming ended, West Virginia became among the states with the highest percentages of foster kids in group homes and treatment facilities in the country. In 2014, leaders unveiled Safe at Home: a project with a similar concept.

Among its goals, the $32.4 million program aims to reduce the number of kids entering foster care, improve academics and school attendance in at-risk teenagers, and move West Virginia away from leaning too heavily on institutions or group homes. The U.S. Department of Justice investigated the state and criticized its reliance on these “congregate care” settings.

Through Safe at Home, a team of informal and formal care providers, from a neighbor who watches the kids to a licensed therapist, develop a unique plan to help kids avoid foster care and get social services in their home communities, said Lisa McCullen, who ran the program before she retired. Therapists providing mental health services might come to the child’s home, for instance, instead of the child getting the same treatment in an out-of-state facility.

According to an outside evaluation, the program has been successful in helping kids transition home and stay out of group homes; it’s been less successful in preventing kids from entering the system in the first place.

Disparities in access

But while on paper Safe at Home operates in all of West Virginia’s 55 counties, service providers may not consistently be available.

West Virginia’s topography can make providing services difficult. Regina Short, a former social worker from McDowell County, said providers coming from a county or two over eventually realize they don’t want to travel the windy, rural roads, a trip that can quickly eat up a whole work day. She left her social work job in June 2020 and now is teaching middle school in another county.

“You might have [the program] six weeks, and they would quit showing up,” she said, referring to Safe at Home offerings in McDowell. “I had kids that truly needed those services, but they would just disappear.”

“That service coming to the home was truly a way to put them back on track. The system is failing these kids.”

She said Logan County, where she also worked, had similar problems retaining services.

Indeed, the outside evaluation found that some providers “reported driving over an hour to support youth and their families who live in remote areas.”

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Letart, W.Va. – Looking east along West Virginia Route 2.

Providing services while making a decent living can be impractical in some areas with long travel times, said Sam Hickman, who retired last month as director of the West Virginia chapter of the National Association of Social Workers. A spokeswoman for DHHR noted generally that “workforce capacity is the greatest challenge statewide, and it’s especially challenging in more rural counties.”

The conversation about prevention has been propelled in part by a new child welfare law that took effect in 2019. Under it, the federal government won’t pay for more than two weeks at a group home, except in certain circumstances. Instead, funding will go to cover services like parenting education and mental health support, “in an effort to keep families together.”

But even this new, focused funding doesn’t mean the services will be available to all who need it.

DHHR says the state has three prevention programs up and running: Mountain State Healthy Families, Parents as Teachers and Functional Family Therapy. But they have either not been well-funded or have long wait lists, which the state acknowledges.

The Parents as Teachers program, which the federal government recommends, provides free, in-home education and support for parents to learn about child development. It’s available in 41 West Virginia counties and Jessica Holstein, a DHHR spokeswoman, says 11 of those counties have wait lists.

The state also wants to expand another in-home parent education program, Healthy Families, which is located in a handful of counties in West Virginia.

“Both programs have the infrastructure to expand services with additional home visitation staff to meet increased needs,” the state’s prevention plan says, and have “demonstrated

positive outcomes for West Virginia’s families and children.”

Holstein added: “Limited funding prohibits complete coverage in all counties.”

West Virginia has seen promising results with Functional Family Therapy, another accredited program used in other states. One of the therapists based in the Eastern Panhandle, Abigayle Koller, said the model works because it is “relentless.”

“We’re not the Band-Aid approach to the gunshot issue,” she said.

If the family isn’t home when a session is scheduled, Koller will sit outside in her car and wait for them to show up. The organization where she works, the National Youth Advocate Program, has served more than 100 West Virginia families. Eighty-three of these families have finished all three phases of treatment.

“We believe that kids can be treated best in their home communities,” Koller said. “I think the state is really committed to keeping kids at home.”

But even with a proven track record, funding is still an issue. Functional Family Therapy is funded through a $1 million yearly stipend from the West Virginia Legislature. But between training and administrative costs, this wasn’t enough money to expand beyond a few providers, according to the prevention plan.

“Funding has been the primary issue for [the program] not being available statewide,” the state’s prevention plan says.

Because of the funding crunch, West Virginia has only one Functional Therapy Team working in nine counties — all in the Northern and Eastern panhandles, and the north-central part of the state. They are soon planning to expand into Cabell and Wood counties.

The state said explicitly in its prevention plan that it would ask lawmakers to fund an expansion of the therapy and in-home visitation programs during the 2021 legislative session.

But the agency didn’t include the ask in its budget request. Holstein blamed the coronavirus pandemic and a delay in getting federal approval for how the state will pay for the prevention programs. In the meantime, they’re using some money allocated in 2020.

The patchwork funding of these programs might cause delays in getting them up and running for children across all of West Virginia’s counties. But child welfare experts say keeping kids out of the system is paramount.

Kathy Szafran, who heads the Aetna affiliate managing foster kids’ health matters, said there just aren’t enough services in many West Virginia communities to keep kids at home.

But ultimately, she says the solution to keeping kids out of the foster care system is contingent on investing in this type of treatment and care, rather than building more residential facilities.

“We don’t need any more residential facilities,” Szafran said. “We need smaller, specialized facilities, with smaller numbers of kids with intensive treatment — treatment not housing. And then we need services in the communities to keep kids either in foster care … or in their home communities with relatives or their families.”

Foster Kids Need Families To Live With And State Social Workers To Check On Them. West Virginia Doesn’t Have Enough Of Either.

This story was originally published by Mountain State Spotlight. Get stories like this delivered to your email inbox once a week; sign up for the free newsletter at https://mountainstatespotlight.org/newsletter

For Sara Gordon, becoming a foster parent felt like a calling as early as high school.

She remembers the little girl in her mom’s pre-K classroom, crying and wearing tattered clothes. One time the child came in with a broken eardrum. Every time Gordon visited she seemed to possess an ability to calm her.

She dreamed of becoming a foster mother.

“I have always felt like I was supposed to help kids in the system,” she said.

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Martinsburg, W.Va. – February 27th, 2021 – Sara Gibson poses for a portrait in one of the bedrooms that she and her husband Andrew have for the children they foster.

Now in her 30s, that’s what she’s been doing. Gordon and her husband, Andrew, have welcomed eight foster kids into their home in a quiet Martinsburg neighborhood over the last three years.

They say the experience has been enriching.

But they also describe a long list of unexpected hurdles linked to the state’s foster care bureaucracy: administrator errors and communication problems, and a feeling that they just haven’t gotten the support they need from the state agency charged with making foster care work for West Virginia’s kids.

Experts at every level of the child welfare system know kids best thrive in a family environment, with a relative or foster home close to their community, instead of an institution or facility.

Recruiters looking for foster families in West Virginia spend tens of thousands of dollars, and log as many miles each year, hoping their efforts will lead them to people like the Gordons: stable, loving, and devoted — no matter how long or short the child’s stay.

At a critical time for West Virginia’s foster care system, the state faces two key shortages: It doesn’t have enough Child Protective Service workers, the employees responsible for checking on the safety and well being of the kids. And there aren’t enough foster families. For kids, that can mean landing in foster homes or facilities hours away from their home communities, because closer placements have filled up.

“Placing children close to their home community, when possible, can lessen the disruption to their daily routine and can allow them to retain connections with friends, school” and important people in their life, said Beth Cook, a longtime social worker based in Logan County.

Other states are grappling with similar shortages. But with nearly a fifth of West Virginia children living in poverty and more of its kids affected by opioids than any other state, the foster care deficits here are all the more urgent.

State struggles to recruit foster families

West Virginia has the highest number of kids in foster care per capita of any other state, according to the Annie E. Casey Foundation. The mix of arrangements includes foster family homes, emergency shelters, group homes or institutions in and out of state, and kinship care, in which a grandparent or other relative is raising the child. Nearly two-thirds of the kids are 10 or younger. More than half entered the system because of a parent’s substance abuse.

Advocates say there’s a geographic need: several counties in the state have five or fewer certified foster homes. There’s an even bigger need for families who will take older kids, sibling groups and kids with special needs.

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Necco signs around West Virginia. Photos by Kristian Thacker.

“When the demand is so high we’re just trying to get these kiddos into safe loving homes where we can start working with them on their trauma,” said Amy Kennedy-Rickman, executive director at Necco, a private agency paid to help the state place kids.

Finding suitable foster families is one of the responsibilities the state has partially turned over to private foster care-placing agencies in recent years. One of them is Necco; Kennedy-Rickman says the agency spends tens of thousands of dollars each year in recruitment efforts alone, including billboards and signs along the side of the road in high-need areas across the state. Recruiters have suggested a number of other ideas for how to enlist more families, from advertising on restaurant placemats to printing slogans on bookmarks, pencils, balloons, key chains or T-shirts.

But word of mouth is among the most effective strategies. And the state Department of Health and Human Resources says in order to get foster families to recommend others consider the same path, they need to be happy with the experience.

“Parents need to be rewarded, respected, and most of all, their opinions need to be heard and valued,” the state’s “homefinding” policy says. “A family that has been pleased with the service it received from the Department will let others know of their positive experience.”

But even some West Virginians who want to be foster parents, like the Gordons, have been turned off by their experiences with both their former private foster placement agency and DHHR.

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Martinsburg, W.Va. – February 27th, 2021 – A print hangs on the wall of one of the bedrooms Andrew and Sara Gibson have for children they foster. On the print is a thumbprint from every child that they have fostered.

On the wall of their younger foster daughter’s bedroom, the Gordons have a print of a tree with multi-colored thumbprints of all eight kids they have fostered since 2018 on the branches. The other side lists their names, the day they arrived and the day they left.

“When I walk in here, I see all my kids,” Sara Gordon said. “This is a way for all of us to be together in one place. I wanted to be able to just have something that symbolizes family.”

But while the thumbprint tree documents the kids’ stay with the Gordons, it’s also a painful reminder of what went wrong.

“Every time you look at it,” she said, “you think the system failed.”

That’s because while the ultimate goal for the state is to reunite foster kids with their biological families, that’s not the reason these kids left the Gordons.

One foster child kept on calling the Gordons even after leaving, because their new placement wasn’t explained. One had a diagnosed mental health condition, but arrived with no medicine. Another spent six months with the Gordons on a waitlist for mental health care, but left for another foster home, then returned and had to start over on the list.

The Gordons say one of the most troubling aspects of the system is that while the state technically had custody of their most recent foster daughters, the state-employed social worker assigned to check in on them didn’t get in touch for eight months. They had their two foster daughters for a year and only had a single visit from the girls’ Child Protective Services worker.

Lack of support

DHHR’s own employees have documented communication problems between agency workers and foster parents. In her first report in the newly-created position of foster care ombudsman, Pamela Woodman-Kaehler found that “communication complaints are pervasive.” Those include foster parents, attorneys and biological parents saying Child Protective Services workers won’t call or text them back, and reports of CPS workers not delivering on promised visits and resources.

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Charleston, W.Va. – March 1st, 2021 – The West Virginia Division of Health and Human Resources building in downtown Charleston. DHHR oversees the foster system in the state of West Virginia.

These findings are supported by a 2019 survey from the WV Foster, Adoptive, & Kinship Parents Network.

Working with DHHR and Marshall University, the group surveyed more than 1,000 foster parents. When asked how often DHHR caseworkers visit the children in their care, more than 40% said every three months or less often.

DHHR is required to visit kids in its care monthly under its own policy. And the agency’s literature talks about the importance of these visits.

“Regular contact between the child who is in foster care and the child’s worker allows the child to have ample opportunity to express concerns, fears, problems with the placement, or other special issues,” DHHR’s policy says. “These meetings also provide the child’s worker with an opportunity to discuss the child’s case plan and services being provided, and to directly assess the child’s progress.”

If there’s a private agency involved, DHHR can count some of that agency’s visits as their own. That’s what happened in the Gordon family’s case, where a private caseworker that matched the children with the family visited twice a month. But that person’s role is often different, and a state-employed CPS worker still has to call the foster child at least once a month and have some face-to-face contact every three months.

DHHR declined multiple interview requests for this story; in an emailed response, spokeswoman Jessica Holstein said she was unable to comment on specific cases, but reiterated the agency’s mission of promoting “the health and well-being of West Virginia residents, especially for vulnerable residents such as children.”

The survey results from the WV Foster, Adoptive, & Kinship Parents Network suggest that private foster care agency workers are filling in the gaps; of foster parents who had a private agency worker assigned to them, more than 90% reported monthly visits — and three-quarters said they saw the private workers twice a month or even more frequently.

But Sam Hickman, who retired last month as director of the West Virginia chapter of the National Association of Social Workers, says these private agencies aren’t a sufficient substitute for state worker visits because they play different roles.

“The state has this awesome responsibility for the well-being of the child because they’re in the state’s custody,” he said.

DHHR is “making the decisions as to what’s best for the children,” Sara Gordon said, even when and where they should go to the doctor.

“It’s hard and it’s infuriating to have people make decisions who have never even seen the kids,” she said.

Private agency social workers have limited access to information and are often unable to tell the foster family details of the child’s case, such as when a court hearing is scheduled, said Marissa Sanders of the WV Foster, Adoptive, & Kinship Parents Network. And they can’t approve medical procedures.

“If the family or agency worker can’t reach the [CPS] worker, this can cause serious problems. In an emergency situation the medical professionals can still act, but if it’s anything short of a life-threatening emergency, families and children have to wait to get authorization,” Sanders said.

In 2016, Sanders said she waited four months to get her foster child approved for dental work that involved anesthesia.

“We ended up going all the way to the commissioner since we couldn’t reach the worker or supervisor,” she said.

Notably, many foster families, mostly those doing kinship care, don’t go through a private agency. And those kids are the majority: More than half of West Virginia’s foster kids live in kinship placements with relatives.

Across three years of fostering, the Gordons said they had little meaningful interaction with the state-employed CPS workers assigned to their children.

The worker never called or visited the first kids the Gordons fostered, but did ask someone from the local DHHR office to stop in and check on them once, Sara Gordon said. They got a new worker eventually, a change they only learned about when his business card came attached to a letter about an upcoming meeting; that worker did visit shortly before the kids went to kinship care. Subsequently, the worker assigned to a later foster child visited only once for about 10 minutes, she said.

Sam Wiles, a foster parent in Preston County, has made similar observations about absentee CPS workers. She and her husband began fostering in late 2019 and now have five children, including two biological kids, one foster child and two they adopted out of foster care.

Two of her foster children “have a whole new life because DHHR did their job the right way,” she said. But sometimes “DHHR has bad days, DHHR makes bad choices.”

“You have peace knowing that a CPS worker is hopefully removing a child from an unsafe environment,” instead of doing the required visits to her home, she said.

Sara Gordon says the accountability should ultimately rest with DHHR, but she also put it plainly: “The way I look at it is, if I didn’t do my job I would be fired.”

WV continues to grapple with CPS worker shortage

Sanders said staffing shortages are a primary reason families aren’t seeing CPS workers as often as they should.

“In general there is a shortage” of CPS workers, but how many states experience that dearth is unclear, said Christine James-Brown, president and CEO of the Child Welfare League of America. “It’s not a surprise or unusual that West Virginia would be where it is.”

Social workers are overworked and exhausted, James-Brown said, and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has complicated logistics.

At the end of June, the percentage of vacant CPS positions was 22%, an increase of 5 percentage points over last year, though retention numbers have improved in recent years. West Virginia CPS workers can cross the border into at least one neighboring state and make thousands of dollars more each year.

Kristian Thacker/Kristian Thacker
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Martinsburg, W.Va. – February 27th, 2021 – A folio from the foster agency for one of the children that Andrew and Sara Gibson are currently fostering. Each child has a folio like this to keep their paperwork organized. With the Covid-19 pandemic much of the paperwork in the foster system is now digitized.

Various incentives over the years haven’t helped the state recruit and retain new CPS workers, including reducing the requirement so that anyone with a bachelor’s degree is eligible. Hickman noted that the state hasn’t tried one incentive that he has encouraged, though: paying those specifically with a social work or related degree more money.

DHHR has boosted the pay of CPS workers in the Eastern Panhandle where the agency was losing CPS workers to border states, Sanders said. But, she added, “They certainly haven’t done anything to increase accountability” for when a worker fails to check on a foster child, as in the Gordon family’s case.

The average caseload per CPS worker as of June 30 was 12, according to the agency, a decrease over recent years, though caseloads can vary widely.

In addition to managing their caseloads, CPS workers have another critical duty: investigating child abuse allegations. But according to a 2019 state audit, workers failed to look into half of the reports of child abuse and neglect in the required time frame in 2018.

“According to multiple audits and reviews, CPS has struggled for over 20 years with

meeting statutory time frames for making initial contact with alleged child victims of abuse

and/or neglect,” the audit found.

Earlier this year, lawmakers considered a bill that would allow DHHR to study ways to ensure manageable workloads for CPS workers, as well as reevaluate their salaries and benefits compared to what workers in neighboring states were making. But the bill didn’t make it out of the House before the session ended. Since then, DHHR has said it will study its workforce, and a legislative audit has recommended adopting a new equation to determine how the agency allocates CPS workers around the state.

‘She came in soulless’

The Gordons welcomed their two latest foster daughters, now 16 months and 5 years old, in June 2020. One afternoon in February, Andrew Gordon was practicing flash cards with the older child in the living room as the little one hoisted herself up, nearly taking her first steps.

“What is it? It’s a shape.”

“A diamond!”

“That’s a good try. They’re looking for a triangle.”

Kristian Thacker/Kristian Thacker
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Martinsburg, W.Va. – February 27th, 2021 – A pack and play full of baby toys for the younger of the two children that Sara and Andrew Gibson are currently fostering in their home.

A year ago, the older girl, who calls the Gordons “mom” and “dad,” didn’t know her colors, the names of foods, animals, what sounds animals make or how to say or spell her name, Sara Gordon said. The only emotion she recognized was anger. Even playtime used to be rough, and she’d pretend her toys were bleeding and needed to go to the doctor.

“She came in soulless,” Sara Gordon said.

In 2020, state lawmakers voted to create a “bill of rights” for foster children and parents and agreed to pay foster families more money per child, a change Sara Gordon said made her feel “like we have a voice, finally.”

But the pandemic left lawmakers playing catch-up during the 2021 legislative session. In January, just before the start of the session, Delegate Lisa Zukoff, D-Marshall, said she was eager to learn how families were faring under the legislation passed last year. But Zukoff, the minority chair of the Committee on Senior, Children, and Family Issues, said she and her colleagues started the session not having talked about foster care in a year because interim meetings were canceled.

Though she didn’t have specifics, she insisted the state needs to do more when it comes to kinship and foster care.

“If we don’t help these children now we’re gonna be paying for their health care and lack of ability to connect and have decent work for the rest of their lives,” she said.

But lawmakers barely addressed the crisis.

“Definitely foster care was not at the top of the agenda this session,” state Sen. Patricia Rucker, R-Jefferson, said earlier this year. “What we passed last year hasn’t really taken effect.”

Rucker said she’s also heard complaints about foster families not seeing their CPS workers.

“There are just not enough certified social workers in the state of West Virginia,” she said.

The next regular legislative session, set to begin in January 2022, will bring changes to the committee that oversees DHHR. Former chair of the Health and Human Resources Committee Delegate Jeffrey Pack, R-Raleigh, stepped down to head the new Bureau for Social Services. (DHHR split its Bureau of Children and Families in two: this office and the Bureau of Family Assistance.)

But meanwhile, more than 10,500 West Virginia kids had some interaction with the foster care system last year. In Preston County, foster parent Sam Wiles, a licensed practical nurse and nursing student, worries about the trauma kids face by getting involved in the system.

“We’re not supplying the necessary service to kids when they come into care,” she said. “Just the removal itself [is] enough trauma to warrant some behavior specialist.”

Last year, Wiles and her husband agreed to foster three siblings, all under 8, who she said had experienced abuse and witnessed drug use. The siblings are third-generation foster care children, and Wiles wants to break the cycle for them.

“I think our society forgets that this is not just a name on a piece of paper,” she said, her voice breaking. “This is the future generation. These are little people who need lots of help.”

Tomorrow: More than 10,500 West Virginia kids had some contact with the foster care system last year. The state has publicly called it a crisis. But time and time again, the state is failing to adequately fund or run programs that could intervene before kids land in care.

West Virginia’s Reliance On Out-Of-State Group Homes Leaves Some Foster Kids In Unsafe, Abusive Situations

This story was originally published by Mountain State Spotlight.

In early 2015, West Virginia state inspectors visited an all-boys group home in Grove City, Pennsylvania. There were West Virginia foster kids living at the facility about an hour north of Pittsburgh; they, along with hundreds of others, were sent to homes outside West Virginia because the overburdened foster care system couldn’t care for all its kids in-state.

A 10-page inspection report, summarizing what the inspectors saw over the course of six days in January and February, contained stark observations about the kind of care the kids were getting at George Junior Republic.

Kids were being improperly restrained, the inspectors wrote. They spent up to six hours a day isolated in their bedrooms and some reported not getting necessary therapy and education. The center used a “time out chair” as punishment liberally, and kids could be put in it for hours or for up to two weeks at a time.

Their conclusion, typed in red on the first page of the report, was clear: West Virginia should get its kids out of the center.

Duncan Slade for Mountain State
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A boy walks on the campus of George Junior Republic in Grove City, PA on Sept. 14, 2021.

“Evidence obtained indicates that the facility conducts practices that jeopardize the health, safety and well being of youth at the facility,” the state’s inspectors wrote.

But seven months later, West Virginia kids were still at George Junior. Though the state Department of Health and Human Resources had told facility officials it would suspend the placement of children there, documents show in September an unspecified number of kids were still at the center.

Every year, hundreds of West Virginia’s foster kids are sent to out-of-state facilities like George Junior Republic, far away from the officials charged with their care and family members who might otherwise check on them. Often, there are few other options for the children, who are typically older kids with mental or behavioral issues. But documents show the state’s reliance on these facilities has sometimes resulted in West Virginia children being sent to unsafe and abusive homes.

An investigation by Mountain State Spotlight in partnership with The GroundTruth Project has found 22 serious accounts of abuse and neglect at many of the out-of-state facilities West Virginia has paid to care for its foster kids. There have also been several reports of alleged sexual assault of kids at the facilities. West Virginia inspectors have many times flagged issues with employees using force to control kids improperly, including a situation that officials said posed an immediate threat to kids’ safety. At one group home, children were forced to use sharp blades to cut down fields of weeds. And in several cases, West Virginia has continued or renewed the contracts with facilities despite media coverage and other states’ findings that children were being abused.

DHHR records show at times, the agency ended contracts or removed children from facilities facing serious allegations. But there are also records showing instances where the agency did not act, or where it took months to remove children from troubled facilities, like at George Junior. However, a comprehensive accounting of how state officials cared for out-of-state kids and handled each of these cases was impossible to compile because the agency repeatedly denied and delayed requests made under the Freedom of Information Act. In two instances, the requested documents were not provided by Sept. 20.

Publicly, DHHR leaders have defended the way they’ve managed the state’s system.

“This administration and the West Virginia Legislature have invested more resources into the child welfare system than any other administration,” Secretary Bill Crouch said in a 2019 statement in response to a lawsuit. “We have been consistent and deliberate in our commitment to the safety and well-being of West Virginia’s children.”

But throughout this investigation, DHHR leaders repeatedly dodged questions about the treatment of some of the most vulnerable kids in state custody. Agency spokeswoman Allison Adler denied multiple requests for interviews with Crouch and DHHR Bureau for Children and Families Commissioner Linda Watts (who retired in July), and declined to answer specific questions about this investigation’s findings.

Mountain State Spotlight/GroundTruth sent a summary of our findings and another interview request to DHHR. Spokeswoman Jessica Holstein said the agency could not comment on the specific cases of children due to state code protecting kids’ privacy.

“It is the mission of the West Virginia Department of Health and Human Resources to promote the health and well-being of West Virginia residents, especially for vulnerable residents such as children,” she wrote via email on Aug. 30.

She finished by including the agency’s 24/7 abuse and neglect hotline number.

Lack of foster homes factor in sending kids out of state 

West Virginia’s foster care system is bursting at the seams: There are 71% more children in state custody now than there were a decade ago. Of the approximately 10,500 kids who spend time in the West Virginia foster care system every year, some are placed in certified foster homes or with relatives, often called “kinship care.”

But despite efforts over the last few years to recruit and maintain foster families, there aren’t nearly enough homes. And in a system where about half of the children enter the state’s foster care system due to parental drug use, some have serious needs requiring specialized behavioral care or substance abuse treatment. Sometimes those services are available in kids’ communities, but often they aren’t.

“[There are] not enough services in communities to keep kids there … We need services in the communities to keep kids either in foster care or therapeutic foster care or in their home communities with relatives,” said Kathy Szafran, executive director of Mountain Health Promise at Aetna, which has managed health care for West Virginia foster kids since March 2020.

The shortage means every year, West Virginia ships hundreds of kids to group homes elsewhere. In August, 402 foster kids were living out of state. The state had contracts as of April 2021 with 49 out-of-state residential treatment centers and group homes as far away as Utah, Arkansas and Florida, according to DHHR.

These facilities should rarely be a first choice: Experts agree family settings — not group homes — give foster children the best opportunity for stability.

Kristian Thacker/Kristian Thacker
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Grantsville, W.Va. – February 24th, 2021 – Mason Kendall poses outside of his home. When he finishes with school he plans to join the Army. When asked why the Army he responded that it was the branch of the service that his grandfather had served in and he wanted to do it to honor him.

Mason Kendall, 15, who grew up in Ripley, experienced the churn of moving from one out-of-state facility to another first-hand. He entered the state foster care system at 6 years old; by the time he was 8, his social worker was transporting him to group homes outside West Virginia.

“I was too messed up for foster programs,” Mason said.

By the time he was a teenager, he said, he’d been shuffled to facilities in states including Tennessee, North Carolina, Utah and Virginia.

His time out of state is difficult for him to talk about.

“There was a time a [facility employee] busted my nose and gave me a black eye, then he said I hit the wall. I just got smacked around a lot,” Mason, who now lives in Calhoun County, recalled.

Sometimes, West Virginia’s use of an out-of-state facility might be closer to the child’s community than one in the state; for example, a facility in Ohio could be the closest and best match for a child in Wheeling.

But no matter the distance, the fact that these facilities are over the state line means a difference in oversight because individual states vary in how they regulate the centers. While West Virginia has guidelines governing how often social workers check in and how these children should be treated, the day-to-day care takes place in facilities where DHHR doesn’t have as much control.

State social workers are required to visit foster kids living in out-of-state facilities in person every month, though Mason said he rarely saw his social worker once he moved out of state.

“They don’t come see you,” he said.These in-person visits to out-of-state facilities were temporarily halted during the COVID-19 pandemic, and the federal government allowed states to substitute videoconferencing during that time. Now, in-person visits have resumed except when there is a threat to health, according to DHHR spokeswoman Holstein.

But the agency would not provide a comprehensive accounting of these monthly visits. Mountain State Spotlight/GroundTruth began asking about these visits in October 2020. In January, reporters sought this information through a Freedom of Information Act request; the agency did not provide responsive records or a formal denial of the request by Sept. 20.

Besides the social worker visits, a team of employees from DHHR and the West Virginia Department of Education reviews just five out-of-state facilities a year. The state also uses health care management companies KEPRO and APS Healthcare to review health care aspects of the facilities.

DHHR only made one official available for an interview for this series, despite repeated requests: Foster Care Ombudsman Pamela Woodman-Kaehler, whose role is to review investigations and complaints brought by foster parents or foster children.

Woodman-Kaehler was unable in December 2020 to answer direct questions about the care of children in out-of-state facilities. In September, Mountain State Spotlight/GroundTruth reached out to her again with a summary of the investigative findings; Woodman-Kaehler replied that she would read the summary but did not return any other comment.

West Virginia continued to send kids to facilities accused of rape, abuse

Allegations of trouble in these out-of-state homes, and in the West Virginia foster care system, aren’t new. In September 2019, 12 West Virginia foster kids and their families sued the state, alleging among many things, West Virginia sent kids to unsafe homes and institutions that subjected the children to further abuse, neglect and trauma. The suit also alleged kids were institutionalized and forced to languish in the system, and that the state lost track of an alarming number of children.

The kids and their representatives wanted DHHR and Gov. Jim Justice to ensure foster kids in homes and facilities were adequately monitored and for the agency to try its best to place foster kids in family-like homes with access to appropriate behavioral and mental health services.

Almost immediately, West Virginia officials rejected the allegations; DHHR Secretary Crouch fired off a statement defending his foster care system and listing the reforms happening under Justice. He accused the attorneys behind the effort of seeking media attention and of being clueless about the state’s system.

“The company that filed this lawsuit against the State of West Virginia has not reached out to me or any member of our leadership team to ask questions regarding what we are doing in this state or to even engage in a conversation regarding these issues,” Crouch wrote.

The state asked the judge to dismiss the lawsuit in November 2019.

But two months later, during a visit to The Children’s Center of Ohio, DHHR inspectors verified some of the suit’s allegations with their own eyes. There, they reported children were tasked with more than two hours daily of cleaning and yard work. While work programs are sometimes allowed at these facilities, child labor can’t be used in lieu of employing housekeepers and maintenance workers. At The Children’s Center, kids were responsible for all of the cleaning and were also tasked with “weed whipping,” where they used sharp tools to clear grass in nearby fields to maintain the 200-acre campus.

The buildings also had numerous hazards, including exposed electrical wiring above a bed and a “deplorable” boys’ bathroom with visibly rotting floorboards. Staff with The Children’s Center of Ohio did not respond to questions for this story.

In February 2020, DHHR quietly suspended placements at the facility. But in July of that year, documents show there were still two West Virginia kids enrolled there.

DHHR didn’t respond to questions about when they removed West Virginia kids from the center; the state no longer contracts with the facility as of October 2020.

Duncan Slade for Mountain State
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The front sign outside the campus of George Junior Republic in Grove City, PA on Sept. 14, 2021.

The Children’s Center of Ohio wasn’t the only facility facing serious issues as West Virginia paid them to care for vulnerable kids.

Because DHHR officials would not answer questions about the agency’s use of troubled out-of-state facilities, Mountain State Spotlight/GroundTruth used public records to create a timeline of some of the state’s contracts and responses to abuse and neglect allegations. Reporters filed 45 Freedom of Information Act requests with DHHR beginning in September 2020.

At George Junior Republic, the Pennsylvania all-boys institution where in 2015 inspectors warned kids weren’t safe, DHHR’s own review from April of that year showed the agency was aware of other problems. In a letter sent on April 2, 2015 explaining that West Virginia wouldn’t send any new kids to the facility, the agency noted that for months, Pennsylvania had been investigating abuse incidents involving at least four West Virginia youths who lived at the center. One youth was sexually abused by a staff member while on a home visit, though DHHR officials declined to say whether the victim was a West Virginia child. Another inspection provided to the agency around the same time noted that when restraints were used on children, often to force compliance, documents or video footage of the incidents were sometimes missing or incomplete.

“Students consistently report experiencing, witnessing or being aware of questionable treatment of residents,” a West Virginia Department of Education employee wrote in a separate letter in April 2015 to George Junior administrators.

Though the state officially ended its contract with George Junior in September of that year, West Virginia kids were still living there at that point, according to a DHHR document. Agency officials declined to answer when they pulled West Virginia kids from the facility.

But as of April 2021, West Virginia foster kids could again be sent to the facility, which was included in a 2019 Philadelphia Inquirer investigation about dangerous Pennsylvania juvenile homes. DHHR officials did not respond to multiple questions about whether there are currently kids living at the Grove City location or when the facility reinstated its contract with the facility, and DHHR attorney Daron Light said the agency did not have any documents related to the contract reinstatement, which could have shown the facility had resolved the issues that led to the 2015 contract termination.

Nate Gressel, executive director of the facility since January 2019, did not respond to specific questions about the treatment of West Virginia children at the facility. He said the Philadelphia Inquirer article “did not represent all of the facts and was steered in [a] direction to support negative provider dialog,” and that while he couldn’t speak to events that happened before his time as director, since then the facility has “gone through a significant transformation.”

In at least two cases at centers in Georgia and Michigan, West Virginia officials continued or renewed the state’s contract despite media coverage and other states’ findings that children were being abused.

In August 2020, DHHR renewed its contract with Devereux Georgia, a center for children with intellectual and developmental disabilities, one month after a Philadelphia Inquirer investigation detailed ongoing abuse at facilities around the country run by the company.

“At least 41 children as young as 12, and with IQs as low as 50, have been raped or sexually assaulted by Devereux staff members in the last 25 years,” the Inquirer investigation found, noting that 10 of them said they were assaulted at Devereux campuses near Philadelphia; the others were abused at facilities around the country, including the Georgia home where West Virginia contracts. Devereux Georgia employees did not respond to a request for comment for this story.

DHHR also contracted to send a West Virginia child to Lakeside Academy in Michigan in 2018, though the state of Michigan started investigating the facility that same year for reasons including overuse of child restraints. DHHR officials did not provide requested records that showed agency inspectors visited the site before or during a child’s stay. In May 2020, just five months after the state arranged to send another West Virginia child to Lakeside, DHHR officials suspended placements at the facility after a staff member killed a 16-year-old boy while restraining him. Carla Harper, director of Children and Adult Services for DHHR, said in an internal memo on May 14, 2020 that there were no West Virginia children staying at the facility as of that date.

Lakeside Academy has since closed; Sequel Youth and Family Services, which operated the facility, declined to comment through a public relations firm. “Sequel Youth & Family Services is unable to speak to your questions regarding Lakeside Academy due to the ongoing criminal investigation and civil litigation,” wrote Darby Dame in an email. “Due to privacy concerns, we do not comment on specific placements of clients.”

DHHR officials did not answer questions about the extent to which they were aware of substantiated or unsubstantiated allegations against facilities they use, though many of the allegations were available via a Google search. Occasionally the agency’s own documents cite other states’ certification or inspection results as justification for an agency decision.

Another consistent problem noted in out-of-state inspections was the improper use of physical restraints, which occur when a facility employee physically holds a child. Sometimes this can involve medication, or equipment like a straightjacket. Under state policy, restraints of any kind are mostly limited to emergencies when children are a danger to themselves or others.

Mountain State Spotlight/GroundTruth requested inspections for the 47 out-of-state facilities where West Virginia had contracts between 2011 and 2020. DHHR provided reviews for 32 facilities, and state employees flagged restraint issues — including young children being restrained too long and staff failing to notify parents of use of restraints — at 24 of those centers.

Documents show DHHR suspended state contracts over restraint issues in at least three cases. At Northern Illinois Academy, West Virginia officials noted the restraint issues flagged by federal inspectors were “so serious they constituted an immediate threat to patient health and safety.” The agency also cited misuse of restraints in its contract suspensions with Fairfield Academy in Ohio in 2014 and with George Junior Republic in 2015.

Better oversight of out-of-state facilities like these was one of the outcomes sought in the lawsuit filed by former West Virginia foster kids. It would have required DHHR to place children in safe facilities that were adequately monitored under federal standards.

But in July 2021, U.S. District Judge Thomas Johnston dismissed the lawsuit, saying that the suit belonged in state court rather than federal court.

The agency ultimately rejected the plaintiff’s proposed settlement terms of a third-party monitor of its state’s foster care system.DHHR spokeswoman Holstein said in an email the judge’s decision “reinforces the efforts of the many federal, state and community partners who are working tirelessly to transform and improve our system.” But in his 30-page dismissal, Johnston did not refute any specific claims made by the foster children about their alleged harm under DHHR care. Attorneys for the kids are appealing Johnston’s decision.

“The bad thing is that the kids in West Virginia are going to have to wait longer to get any relief,” said Marcia Lowry, the executive director of nonprofit A Better Childhood, who is representing the foster kids.

Lawmakers didn’t follow up on mandate to reduce out-of-state placements

As West Virginia lawmakers have attempted foster care reforms in the wake of the state’s growing foster care population, they’ve rarely focused on the kids sent out-of-state.

Scott Boileau, a former social worker turned lobbyist for West Virginia children’s issues, brought concerns about out-of-state placements in front of state legislators in the early 2000s. But the issue never got the attention it needed, he said.

“There have been individual leaders in the Legislature who have been interested in this area, but as a sustained concern … I’ve never seen that,” said Boileau, who led the West Virginia nonprofit Alliance for Children Inc.

“I’ve never seen it from a governor either,” he added.

Photo by WV Legislative Photography.
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The West Virginia Capitol Building.

In 2004, more than 11% of kids in state custody were living out of state. That year, DHHR officials told lawmakers they would reduce the number of out-of-state placements to 3% of all foster kids by 2006, according to The Charleston Gazette.

The agency didn’t hit that mark, though at some point they moved the goalposts. Now, the agency refers to a goal of having no more than 10% of foster kids living out-of state, though DHHR spokeswoman Holstein didn’t answer a question about when the new goal was implemented.

Since 2012, there have never been fewer than 5% of the state’s foster kids in facilities outside West Virginia, according to available public data.

This care is expensive: The price tag last year for lodging, education, therapy and medications for out-of-state foster kids was $33 million. The facilities can cost the state from $300 to $1,500 a day per kid.

For comparison, in 2020, the state paid $31 a day to West Virginia foster families housing and caring for foster teens and young adults.

By 2014, West Virginia’s over-reliance on group homes had prompted a U.S. Department of Justice investigation, which resulted in the state promising that it would offer more home- and community-based services to children in an effort to reduce the number of kids going into residential mental health treatment facilities. But despite the federal probe and troubling allegations in the lawsuit filed by former foster kids five years later, lawmakers haven’t pressed the issue, though they have passed several pieces of legislation aimed at addressing holes in the larger foster care system.

Delegate Barbara Fleischauer, D-Monongalia, has been a member of the House of Delegates Health and Human Resources Committee for 25 years; during her time in office, there have been major changes to the state’s foster care system.

Lawmakers mandated that the state hire an outside company to oversee the health care of foster children and created Woodman-Kaehler’s ombudsman position in an effort to provide neutral oversight over DHHR’s programs. But out-of-state placements have not been included in attempted reforms.

“I think there’s been a lot of attempts to fix this problem, and a part of it is just that it’s really hard,” Fleischauer said. “And, if you don’t keep your eye on the ball, it gets worse.”

Lack of in-state youth mental health care a problem

The path to reducing the number of foster kids leaving the state isn’t clear, especially as West Virginia continues to experience waves of children affected by poverty, the COVID-19 pandemic and the drug crisis.

DHHR officials are hoping to reduce the number of kids going to facilities outside of West Virginia with more agency scrutiny on the decision to send a kid out-of-state in the first place. In a memo sent to staff in December 2020, Linda Watts, then commissioner of the state Bureau for Children and Families inside DHHR, reiterated to staff that sending a kid out of West Virginia was a last resort. The agency’s policy now requires the commissioner or a top-level DHHR official to personally sign off on every foster child leaving the state, in addition to the team of DHHR employees, social workers, education employees and judges that also have input. The number of kids leaving the state has not decreased significantly since the policy was implemented, according to DHHR monthly foster care placement reports.

However, this strategy has worked before: West Virginia saw success in reducing the number of out-of-state placements in the late 1990s with the same requirement.

Betty Rivard, who retired in 1999 from DHHR as an executive assistant to the Office of Social Services, worked on initiatives in the state’s southern coalfields.

During that time, Rivard said the focused efforts and personal attention from then-DHHR Secretary Joan Ohl resulted in whittling the coalfields’ out-of-state placement to just four kids.

“In my mind, that proves that the state has the capacity to get kids what they need in most situations if they have the political will and resources to do it,” Rivard said.

While in-state care could keep a child close to biological family and community, many who work in child welfare say the state needs more adolescent mental and behavioral health treatment options.

But Marcia Lowry of A Better Childhood emphasized that building more in-state facilities isn’t necessarily the answer to addressing the crisis.

For some kids, the need is a family, though there aren’t enough foster families in West Virginia to care for all of the kids who have entered the system in recent years.

“A lot of these kids do not have to be institutionalized,” Lowry said. “It’s not like the state has to build big buildings for these kids and lock them up. The kids need families.”

After being shuttled from one out-of-state group home to another, when he was 12 Mason Kendall did find a family, much to his surprise, in Calhoun County. He hadn’t been in a home setting since a social worker removed him from his mom’s home at age 6.

In 2020, Crystal Kendall and her husband adopted Mason.

“My parents have had a lot of patience with me,” he said. “I learned to control my emotions and not get mad about every little thing.”

Kristian Thacker/Kristian Thacker
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Grantsville, W.Va. – February 24th, 2021 – Mason Kendall sits asCrystal Kendall talks with a former social worker that oversaw Mason’s case when he was still part of the foster system in West Virginia.

The transition from institutional living to a family setting was anything but easy, said Crystal Kendall, a former social worker who has fostered and adopted other teen boys.

“When [Mason] came here … he just hated everything and everybody. He was so disconnected from the world and was on so many medications,” she said. “His learning had stopped at about 8 years old. He was at about a second-grade level.” Now, she said Mason is excelling in his vocational classes as he works toward finishing high school.

Kendall hoped sharing her story would bring change to the system, including more West Virginians being willing to foster teenagers.

“The change in him has been so dramatic,” she said. “It’s just all from not being yanked around. He has that solid foundation under him.”

“He needed a mom,” she added.

This series was produced in part with support from The GroundTruth Project.

Tomorrow: The number of foster kids in West Virginia has risen more than 70% over the last decade. But as the state deals with the crisis, it’s facing two key shortages: a lack of people willing to be foster parents, and not enough Child Protective Services workers tasked with checking on the safety and well being of the kids.

With Ban Lifted, Thousands Of West Virginians Face Potential Surge Of Evictions

West Virginia officials have yet to spend more than $200 million that would help renters and landlords.

This story was originally published by Mountain State Spotlight.

Weeks after the U.S. Supreme Courtoverturned a federal moratorium on payment-related evictions, West Virginia housing advocates like Kayla Morris know a crisis is coming. As counties resume nonpayment-related eviction hearings, potentially thousands of state residents are going to need help.

“We believe we’re going to get hit hard, we just don’t know when at what point,” said Morris, who works for Community Resources, Inc. in Wood County.

A survey from the U.S. Census done in the last two weeks of August estimated that of the212,000 West Virginians living in rental housing, about 25,900were at least one month behind on rental payments.

For months, state officials have had a potential solution: more than $260 million in federal rental and utility aid, being held and disbursed by the West Virginia Housing and Development Fund. Called the Mountaineer Rental Assistance Program, this fund was launched in late March with federal dollars to help renters pay their landlords.

But though housing officials are increasing the pace at which they’re getting assistance to West Virginia renters,they’ve still only handed out a fraction of the available money.

‘How are you going to come up with all of this money’

When the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention instituted the most recent eviction moratorium in early August, the coronavirus pandemic was taking a turn for the worse. In West Virginia,health officials noted at the beginning of September that there were more people on ventilators for COVID-19 than ever before.

“A surge in evictions could lead to the immediate and significant movement of large numbers of persons from lower density to higher density housing at a time in the United States when the highly transmissible Delta variant is driving COVID-19 cases at an unprecedented rate,” the CDCwrote on Aug. 3. The agency noted that the previous eviction moratorium had stalled more than 1.5 million eviction filings nationwide in 2020.

But now with no federal moratorium on payment-related evictions in place, the rent is due, and in some cases it’s months of back payments for tenants and their families.

At the Raleigh County Community Action Association in Beckley — which serves an 11-county region — housing director Brittany Caron said she fears for the number of people who, without a moratorium, have to figure out what to do with months of unpaid rent.

“It kept people housed, but in the long run, I mean I feel like there could’ve been more to the moratorium because those people were still responsible for that rent,” Caron said. “So how are you going to come up with all of this money when you were unemployed and unable to pay that?”

That’s where rental assistance could come into play: As of Wednesday, West Virginia officials had handed out $20.4 million to 4,300 applicants whose requests for rental and utility assistance were approved.

But that still leaves about $240 million unspent with another $90 million on the way later this year from the U.S. Treasury Department.

West Virginia isn’t alone:nearly every state has struggled to disperse the money quickly enough according to the federal government’s standards. And there are more than 3,200 applications that West Virginia’s rental assistance program has yet to process. But even while the West Virginia Housing Development Fund has taken some of the federal government’s recommended steps to make sure people are aware of the assistance, they haven’t implemented all of the recommendations. And of the nearly 26,000 people the U.S. Census estimates are behind on rent in West Virginia, more than 17,000 had not applied for assistance as of the end of August.

In Wood County, where Community Resources Inc. serves an 11-county area in the mid-Ohio Valley stretching toward the Northern Panhandle, Morris said she thinks the program’s availability is making a difference.

“Surprisingly we are not really as busy as one would think we should be during the crisis we’re dealing with,” Morris said.

The waiting game

While most community action agencies, like Community Resources, Inc. in Wood, are helping their clients complete their applications for rental and utility assistance, some are running their own more local rental assistance programs.

The Raleigh County Community Action Association has a grant-funded program to help with old and new rental payments for Raleigh County residents.

So far, the organization says that its rental program has helped 102 people with rental assistance and three with mortgage aid. They’ve spent $72,300.

For those waiting on assistance through the rental assistance fund to come through, time is an important element. Legal Aid attorney Kathryn Marcum, who works with renters in Randolph County, said she hopes once her nonpayment-related cases start going to court that judges will hold off making a decision to evict someone who could qualify for assistance.

“I have seen a number of landlords who have been patient and willing to wait. And, frankly, the alternative is to proceed with an eviction against someone who is not able to pay,” Marcum said. “Waiting will give you, eventually, money in your pocket that you wouldn’t see otherwise.”

But for now, the West Virginia Supreme Court isn’t issuing any guidance to lower courts on how to handle MRAP eligibility. Instead, they flagged the Supreme Court decision lifting the federal eviction moratorium, and are leaving the rest up to local magistrates.

Reach reporter Emily Allen at emilyallen@mountainstatespotlight.org

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