UBB Victim's Father Reacts to Blankenship Indictment

Gary Quarles lost his son in the Upper Big Branch disaster. Since then, he’s looked for peace, understanding and justice.

Quarles wanted to see Don Blankenship held accountable for the conditions at the mine and the death of his son.

Blankenship’s Reputation

Quarles worked for Massey Energy as buggy operator for nine years and he knows first hand what kind of operation Blankenship was running.

“Don Blankenship’s name was known throughout Massey,” he said.

Quarles says his son, Gary Wayne, knew Blankenship too. Gary said Blankenship made it known that he was the man in charge.

“He made himself known,” Quarles said. “Since he’s the man in charge he’s the man to blame.”

Blankenship became known to most West Virginians when he threw more than $3 million into a West Virginia Supreme Court election back in 2004.

Will this indictment send a message?

Quarles still lives in Raleigh County, not far from the Upper Big Branch mine. He’s often expressed his concerns about current coal miners. He hopes the indictment sends a message to the industry.

“It’s going to make any other top management people do what’s right,” Quarles said, “When they think about falsifying records and lying about everything coming and going that, hey I might be the next one that has to go to jail.”

“Let’s get it done,” Quarles replied after asked if the indictments give him peace. “Just hearing about this it helps. Let’s get the rest of it done and see what all happens.”

Credit Mine Safety and Health Administration
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Mine Safety and Health Administration

 

 

Former Massey CEO Don Blankenship Indicted on Four Federal Charges

Former Massey Energy CEO Don Blankenship was indicted on four federal charges Thursday. The charges stem from a years-long investigation led by the FBI and the United States Department of Labor’s Office of Inspector General into an April 5, 2010 explosion at the Upper Big Branch mine owned by Massey that killed 29 miners. 

According to a news release from U.S. Attorney Booth Goodwin’s office, the indictment alleges that from about January 1, 2008 to April 9, 2010 Blankenship “conspired to commit and cause routine, willful violations of mandatory federal mine safety and health standards” at the mine.

The indictment from the U.S. State Attorney Office in West Virginia’s Southern District charges Blankenship with:

  • Conspiracy to violate mandatory federal mine safety and health standards,
  • Conspiracy to impede federal mine safety officials,
  • Making false statements to the United States Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC),
  • And securities fraud.

The four counts charged carry a maximum penalty of 31 years of imprisonment, according to the release from Goodwin’s office.  Goodwin, Counsel Steve Ruby, and Assistant U.S. Attorney Gabriele Wohl are handling the prosecution.
The U.S. Attorney’s Office of West Virginia’s Southern District has been moving up the Massey ladder since the investigation began. Former Upper Big Branch superintendent Gary May cooperated with prosecutors and admitted in March 2012 to defrauding the government by bridging methane monitors and falsifying documents. Last year, former President of once-Massey owned White Buck Coal Company, David Hughart admitted to working with others to ensure that his mine and others, owned by Massey, would have advance warnings of federal inspectors.

As The Charleston Gazette’s Ken Ward reports, Blankenship wrote in a May 2013 blog post: “If they put me behind bars … it will be political.” 

Roughly an hour before news of the indictment was breaking, Blankenship tweeted this:

You can view a full copy of the indictment here:

Event to Honor Upper Big Branch Victims

Friends and families of victims of a West Virginia mine explosion four years ago are meeting to remember their lost loved ones.
 
A gathering for those affected by the Upper Big Branch Mine disaster will take place Wednesday afternoon in front of the federal courthouse in Charleston. Saturday is the four-year anniversary of the explosion that killed 29 miners.

According to the Upper Big Branch Miners Memorial website, the event will run from noon to 3 p.m.
 
Massey Energy owned the mine. Former Massey CEO Don Blankenship released a documentary this week disputing that his company was at fault.
 
U.S. Sen. Joe Manchin says he was deceived into appearing in the film. He has demanded his interview be removed and the film be taken off the Internet.
 

Senator Claims Misrepresentation in UBB Film

Updated Tuesday April 1, 2014 at 9:27 a.m.

U.S. Senator Joe Manchin wants the company to pull the entire documentary from the internet, discontinue distribution, and remove all references of the Senator. According to a release, Manchin today sent a letter to Adroit Films, the firm that filmed and produced the Don Blankenship-funded documentary, demanding the company to remove what Manchin is calling “propaganda” from all websites.

Senator Manchin wrote, in part: “Your fraudulent behavior in securing the interview and your misrepresentation of my interview are actionable offenses. I expect you to cease distribution of this film and remove any references to my name, image, and likeness.  Please respond to this letter in writing immediately to confirm what actions you are taking in response to my request.”

The release goes on to say Senator Manchin’s office has repeatedly attempted to contact Adroit Films via phone and email. Adroit did not immediately return our requests for comment.

Updated Monday March 31, 2014 at 5:24 p.m. 

It appears that Adroit Films has pulled the individual interviews recorded for Upper Big Branch: Never Again.

The interviews were available earlier today to watch on YouTube along with the full documentary earlier today.

Credit Adroit Films, LLC
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Adroit Films, LLC

Former Massey Energy CEO Don Blankenship released a documentary today claiming it “looks at what really happened at the Upper Big Branch mine disaster.”

The film, released on YouTube Monday, is titled Upper Big Branch: Never Again, debuted just days before the fourth anniversary of the mining disaster that took lives of 29 miners.

Produced by Adroit Films, the documentary disputes the findings of the Mine Safety and Health Administration following the 2010 accident.

MSHA blamed the explosion on an unsafe level of coal dust and poor ventilation within the Raleigh County mine.

Instead, the film claims there is forensic evidence that natural gas inundated the mine through a crack on the mine’s floor and supplies testimony from “independent experts” to support that claim.

In a release, Senator Joe Manchin called the film company a propaganda firm. Manchin, who appears in the film, said the firm lied to his face when they approached him for an interview to talk about mine safety. He said they made no mention of the film’s ties to Blankenship.

“He should be more concerned with his role in the deaths of 29 brave miners and the ongoing U.S. Department of Justice investigation rather than filming a propaganda documentary,” Manchin said.

“I am not only livid that I was lied to, but I am even more enraged that Don Blankenship would manipulate a tragedy to promote himself and his own agenda.”

Manchin said he will be pursing legal action against Adroit Films.

Study: 87% of Americans believe campaign donations influence court decisions

A national poll conducted by a nonpartisan think tank and a justice advocacy group shows more and more Americans believe campaign spending on judicial elections is swaying decisions in the courtroom.

The groups are now calling for the spread of more public campaign financing and other reforms for state Supreme Court elections, much like a pilot program already in place in West Virginia.

In 2012, an advertising campaign featuring a brown haired boy in a suit, missing his two front teeth, hit the air in West Virginia. Justus Loughry was campaigning for his dad, Allen Loughry, running for an open seat on the state Supreme Court; running on West Virginia taxpayers’ dollars.

Loughry was the first candidate in the state’s history to utilize a public campaign financing program, and he did so successfully, winning his seat.

“The really good thing about public financing is it let’s the judges spend time with voters instead of donors,” said Bert Brandenburg, executive director of Justice at Stake, “and it can reduce the fear of the public that justice might be for sale.”

Justice at Stake is a nonpartisan group working to keep courts across the country fair and impartial. One major way they’re doing that is by running a campaign of their own, so to speak, one that supports judicial election contribution reform nationwide.

They’ve teamed up with the Brennan Center for Justice, a nationally recognized think tank at New York University.

“We think public financing is an important policy measure that more states should adopt,” said Alicia Bannon an attorney for the Brennan Center’s Democracy Program.

“What it does is gives candidates the opportunity to run competitive campaigns without needing to rely on special interest dollars. I think we saw that in West Virginia where a publicly financed candidate was able to win his election.”

West Virginia is one of only two states where candidates for the Supreme Court can opt in to a public financing program. The other is New Mexico.

The study funded and released by Justice at Stake and the Brennan Center polled 1,200 people from across the country, focusing on the influence they believe campaign spending can have in the courtroom.

Results show the general public believes that influence not only exists, but can have a major impact.

“Up until this moment, we usually got a pretty reliable answer back through polls that we did, through polls that other organizations did, through a variety of different pollsters. No matter who asked the question, the answer would be the same,” Brandenburg said.

“About three in four Americans were worried campaign money was effecting courtroom decisions. What’s so striking is that for the first time that number has really spiked up.”

The poll shows 87 percent of participants believe both campaign donations and independent spending by special interest groups have “some” or “a great deal” of influence on a judge’s decision.

The Federal Election Commission limits how much money can be donated to a specific candidate’s campaign, but special interest groups have no limits and can create their own advertising campaigns.

An ad paid for by special interest group “For the Sake of the Kids” in 2004 claimed then Justice Warren McGraw was ruling in favor of trial lawyers who appeared before him in court after accepting campaign donations.

The special interest group was formed by former Massey CEO Don Blankenship in 2004 to campaign against McGraw, and it seems to have worked as McGraw was defeated by now Chief Justice Brent Benjamin.

It’s instances like that Bannon said, where a millionaire takes an interest in court decisions and tries to assert their influence through contributions, the public is starting to pay more attention to.

“It really shows that the American public is sounding the alarm,” Bannon said. “They’re concerned about the money that’s pouring into these state judicial races and it’s impacting our public’s confidence in the courts.”

But House Minority Leader Tim Armstead doesn’t believe reforming judicial election spending is the best way to renew the trust the public has in their court system.

“The best way to address the judicial system is through legislative reforms,” Armstead said Monday night. “We should be focused on reforming how our courts are set up, the right to appeal and how damages are calculated. There is a lot we can do to address it from the legislative standpoint.”

Bannon agreed there are other areas of reform she would like to see taken on by the states, but over the past decade, states that hold competitive elections, elections where candidates face off against one another like in West Virginia, have seen an influx in spending.

A majority of that money, however, is not going to the candidates themselves. Instead, it’s going toward creating those advertising campaigns and other materials.

Bannon said public campaign financing is one way to level the playing field and make sure those candidates are focused on the law when they take office, not the interests of those appearing before them. She added, however, that is only one piece to the puzzle of reforming judicial elections nationwide and insuring the public can have confidence in their court officials.

“We also need to see recusal reforms. We need to see reforms to when judges are required to step aside from cases so they can’t hear cases where major campaign contributors or organizations that spent significant amount of dollars directly on advertisements in support of a judge are then appearing before that very judge,” Bannon said. “We also need stronger disclosure rules so that the public can know who’s actually spending money trying to influence these races.”

During the 2013 legislative session, a bill making the Supreme Court public campaign financing option permanent passed both the state House and Senate with only a small number of opposing votes.

Armstead stood in opposition of the bill, saying he believes the majority of West Virginians are not in favor of using tax money to provide candidates funding for campaigns.

Brandenburg, however, said West Virginia is on the right track passing the legislation and should continue to look for ways to improve that system.
 
“The reform is not about who wins or loses, that’s immaterial. The reform is about whether you can break the link between money and the courtroom,” Brandenburg said, “and what we saw in North Carolina when they had the program was that there were people who won and lost using it, there were people from both parties who used it, there were people from both genders who used it. That’s the whole point.”

“It needs to be broadly applicable and the early signs in West Virginia are that when you show a candidate can step forward and use that people will begin to understand it.”

Bradenburg said Loughry’s ability to run a successful campaign on public dollars shows the state is leading the way in judicial campaign reform.

Armstead added there is one type of judicial campaign reform he would support in the state. That change is a non-partisan election of judges.

“We don’t elect our county school board’s on a partisan basis, why should we elect our judges that way?” Armstead said. “Justice is supposed to be blind. If it were truly blind we don’t need to elect our judges based on party.”

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