Abandoned Mine Land Development Grants Available In W.Va.

Federal funding is available for economic development projects along abandoned mine lands in West Virginia.

Federal funding is available for economic development projects along abandoned mine lands in West Virginia.

The state Department of Environmental Protection’s Office of Abandoned Mine Lands and Reclamation is taking applications for part of $35 million in grant funding for such projects.

The DEP says projects must be located on or near mine sites that stopped operations before the 1977 signing of the Surface Mine Control and Reclamation Act.

A map of such known sites is available on the DEP’s website along with the grant application and other resources. Completed applications are due by June 20.

Projects must be approved by the U.S. Office of Surface Mining, Reclamation and Enforcement. A state advisory committee is responsible for determining project eligibility and advancing recommended projects to the federal level, the DEP said.

Vulnerable Mine Reclamation Bond Concerns Has W.Va. Senate Planning To Be Proactive

Concerns over vulnerable mine reclamation bonds in West Virginia has the Senate attempting to be proactive according to Senate President Craig Blair (R-Berkeley) who introduced Senate Bill 1, “Creating a Mining Mutual Insurance Company” on the first day of the 2022 legislative session.

Blair spoke during the Senate Finance Committee Thursday.

The bill passed through the finance committee unanimously. It will be reported for approval to the full Senate.

“We don’t have a lick of coal in the Eastern Panhandle, but I recognize how important it is to the state of West Virginia,” said Blair, an eastern panhandle resident. “I was around for workers comp. It took us a decade to get out of that mess.”

Blair suggested that drawing Procter & Gamble to invest in building its facility in the state may not have happened if the workers comp issues weren’t previously addressed.

The P&G facility broke ground in 2015 on its $500 million, 2.5 million square foot facility near Martinsburg and went into production in 2018. It now has more than 1,400 employees.

“P&G wouldn’t be here if we didn’t get out of that (workers comp) mess,” Blair said. “I propose we be proactive this time.”

At the annual Legislative Lookahead meeting Jan. 7, Blair said one company holds about 60 percent of the mine reclamation bonds and if anything would happen to that company it could cost the state between $1 billion and $8 billion, according to estimates.

“We need to ensure some stability and protect ourselves as much as possible,” Blair added.

“We’re hoping to take a $50 million loan, just as we did for workers comp and physicians mutual and make it so that these coal companies that choose to have their own mutual, that they can have their own mutual that they can get the mine reclamation bonds through there,” Blair explained during the annual Legislative Lookahead sponsored by the West Virginia Press Association Jan. 7.

“My confidence in this bill is strong,” Blair said. “I’m making an exception in sponsoring bills. It will provide an insurance policy for the state of West Virginia and the mining industry in this state. This isn’t a bailout. It’s an insurance policy of $50 million to protect us from an exposure of between $2-4 billion. We can’t afford to let that happen.”

None of the funds will come from the mine reclamation fund, Blair said.

“There’s other places to find the $50 million,” he stated.

Blair introduced David Rader, whom Blair said, “He’s coming out of retirement to help us with this.”

Rader was appointed to the board of directors of BrickStreet Mutual in 2006 when it became a private company and served on its board until 2017. He retired in 2011 as president and CEO of West Virginia Mutual Insurance Company, the largest medical professional liability insurer in the state.

“I’m here to help if you want to do this,” Rader told the committee. “I’m making myself available and glad to do that. I love West Virginia.”

Sen. Ron Stollings (D- Boone) asked Rader of the $50 million base, “How will it help us?”

“No one knows how bad it will be,” Rader answered. “In case there’s a crisis, you have to have a minimum to start with. It’s critical.”

Sen. Stephen Baldwin (D- Greenbrier) asked, “We don’t know the source (of the $50 million)?”

“That’s this committee’s responsibility,” Rader answered. “It’s something (Sen. Finance Chair Eric) Tarr is working on. To pass this bill without the $50 million, we have nowhere to go. Until we can show that surplus, there’s no reason to apply for insurance. They won’t talk to me.

Tarr (R-Putnam) said there are “several options” for the $50 million base.

“This will be a loan,” he said. “It’ll likely come from surplus.”

Rader said the base would permit the state to write about $200 million in bonds.

“$50 million is a good number to start,” he said. “I’m optimistic that even in a worst case scenario – it’s still a win-win. It’s a benchmark, not knowing what it’s going to be. My goal is to establish stability.”

Sen. Robert Plymale (D-Wayne) voiced approval, saying “What is being designed can be of great benefit to the people of West Virginia.”

Legislative Leaders Discuss Priorities At Lookahead Session

Panel discussions during the West Virginia Press Association’s annual Legislative Lookahead brought together lawmakers from the West Virginia Senate and the House of Delegates along with other state stakeholders with the media focused to discuss their priorities in the upcoming legislative session.

The discussions focused on education, economic development, broadband and infrastructure.

Senate President Craig Blair noted that he traditionally doesn’t sponsor legislation, but he plans to introduce Senate Bill 1 this year, to create a Mine Reclamation Mutual to alleviate concerns over mine reclamation bonds. He pointed out this will be a similar program to the workers compensation program that began in West Virginia as BrickStreet Insurance.

Blair said one company holds about 60 percent of the mine reclamation bonds and if anything would happen to that company it could cost the state between $1 billion and $8 billion, according to estimates.

“What we’re hoping to do is take a $50 million loan, just like we did for workers comp and physicians mutual and make it so that these coal companies that they choose to have their own mutual that they can get the mine reclamation bonds through there,” Blair said. “The better the process works, the lower the cost of the bond.”

Blair also said he expects to see a flat budget proposal from the governor’s office and he supports that.

Last month, Blair joined Gov. Jim Justice and House Speaker Roger Hanshaw to announce they are moving forward with a pay raise for all state employees along with a bonus as well. Blair said he was an advocate for those raises.

Senate Minority Leader Stephen Baldwin from Greenbrier County noted that one of his highest priorities is broadband infrastructure. He wants people to be able to come to West Virginia and work but said they need broadband to do that.

“There are folks who have moved to the Greenbrier Valley in the midst of COVID, because they want that experience of West Virginia,” Baldwin said. “But they need broadband in order to do that, and they can’t get it. And so they’re gonna have to move. That’s unacceptable, we’ve got to reverse that trend.”

A project Hanshaw brought up was a site readiness program to identify locations for businesses that want to move to West Virginia.

“This would enable our Department of Commerce and our Department of Economic Development to have more marketable sites, more marketable facilities ready to pitch to those prospects that have identified West Virginia as a place that they might consider relocating their business,” Hanshaw said.

House Minority Leader Delegate Doug Skaff from Kanawha County noted that while he is fully supportive of efforts to bring people to West Virginia, he wants to find ways to encourage younger generations to stay.

“I just recently spoke to a high school class A couple days ago,” Skaff said. “I asked them to raise your hand if you plan to finish your degree in either high school or college in West Virginia, and stay in West Virginia. Five out of 22 raised their hand. Five out of 22 in one class said that they were going to plan to stay in West Virginia.

The meeting switched from in person to virtual earlier this week because of COVID-19 exposures. That brought up the question of what precautions will be in place during the session. Hanshaw said there are no plans to have restrictions at the start.

“We’re starting to process next week, under the assumption that we’ll be business as usual, up and until circumstances warrant some kind of a change,” he said. “I’m not saying we would not make a change. I’m just saying we are not starting out that way.”

The 2022 West Virginia Legislative session begins Jan. 12.

Court Says Lawsuit Against W.Va. DEP Over Mine Reclamation Fund Can Proceed

A federal court has ruled that a lawsuit brought by environmental groups over West Virginia’s coal mine reclamation fund can continue.

In an order issued Friday, U.S. District Judge Robert Chambers dismissed a request by the West Virginia Department of Environmental Protection to toss the July lawsuit filed by environmental groups.

The three organizations — the Ohio Valley Environmental Coalition, West Virginia Highlands Conservancy and Sierra Club — argued the state agency violated federal mining laws when it failed to alert federal mine regulators it was putting more than 100 mining permits controlled by one company — ERP Environmental Fund— into a special receivership in order to avoid forfeiting the permits to the state.

The groups noted that the move, as well as recent bankruptcies of Murray Energy and Blackjewel Mining L.L.C., jeopardized already inadequate funds the state relies on to clean up coal mining operations when companies walk away. Under the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act, state regulators are required to inform the Office of Surface Mining, Reclamation and Enforcement, or OSMRE, when there are significant changes to the state’s coal mine cleanup program, including financial changes.

According to documents filed by the DEP earlier this year, the state’s Special Reclamation Fund would be “overwhelmed” if ERP’s permits were forfeited. The agency said the company has an estimated $115 million in bonds, but it would cost at least $230 million to remediate all of the company’s operations. The difference would fall to the reclamation fund.

According to a Jan. 9, 2020 report to the West Virginia Legislature, as of Sept. 30, 2019, the Special Reclamation Fund had just over $58 million in cash and investments. It is funded by a 12.9 cent tax per ton of coal mined in West Virginia.

State regulators asked the court to dismiss the suit for a myriad of reasons, all of which the court denied. In a statement, the Sierra Club said it expects the case to eventually go to trial.

LISTEN: Investigative Reporter Mark Olalde On ‘House Of Cards’ Systems That Dictate Mine Cleanup

Coal production in the Ohio Valley has decreased by nearly 50 percent since 2009, according to federal data. The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has flattened energy demand, which has struck another blow to the already struggling industry. Coal company bankruptcies continue to pile up.

As the market shrinks, journalist Mark Olalde reports the systems put in place to make sure coal mines are cleaned up are also in jeopardy. 

Olalde has been covering the issue for years. He is an environment reporter for The Desert Sun newspaper in Southern California and a freelance reporter. In his latest investigative piece, he explores how the bonding programs and insurance companies backing millions of dollars in cleanup obligations are on the brink. 

He recently spoke with energy and environment reporter Brittany Patterson about his reporting. 

***Editor’s Note: The following has been edited for clarity and length.

Brittany Patterson: How it is that states ensure that coal mining operations are cleaned up? Can you tell us a little bit about that?

Mark Olalde: Sure. So there’s this supposedly relatively failsafe system, you can kind of boil it down to almost a security deposit. You know, if you rent an apartment or an Airbnb or something, if you the mining company are going to mine, you make money available, that should theoretically cover the cost of cleanup. If you walk away without cleaning up, the state has that money available. These are called bonds. And if you do your own cleanup, you get the money back like you would a security deposit. The second wrinkle to this is there’s six states, mainly in Appalachia, that have a separate bond pool, that’s kind of a pooled fund of extra money that’s really supposed to back up these bonds in case an individual company abandons or forfeits its permits.

Patterson: So these coal companies that are taking out these bonds, they do them with something called a surety policy. Can you tell us a little bit about what that is and what that means?

Olalde: So there’s a few different ways to bond. After a string of bankruptcies hit the major coal companies in 2015, 2016, a lot of them shifted into what are called surety policies, which are very similar to an insurance policy. They’re backed by insurance companies and reinsurance companies. So essentially, it says, ‘Hey, if the coal company, like I said, walks away, there’s this third party.’ In the case of surety, that means the third party is usually a large insurance company that’s on the hook for the actual task of cleanup. So that’s the backfilling of pits, that’s cleaning up the land revegetating, you know x, y and z. And because it’s a third party, because it’s that insurance company, that’s supposedly the safest way to put up a bond to make sure that coal mining gets cleaned up.

Patterson: So this recent piece that you published was really looking into basically how these backstops — both the surety policies and also the bond pools — are doing and if they’re sufficient to be able to handle this ongoing downturn in the coal industry. Let’s start first with the bond pools. What do we know?

Olalde: Yeah, so we’ve known for a couple years that these bond pools have been likely dangerous. So, we’ve known that they already were taking on much too much risk without forcing companies to pay in. All the companies in the pool pay in and they [state regulators] think they only need to deal with one or two bankruptcies at a time. The problem is, you know, the laws around this were set up in the 70s in the 80s. These are laws that were made when the coal industry was a legitimate industry, whereas now, you know, we’re seeing coal companies flee the market as fast as they can. So, these are really from a different time period, and they’re just no longer able to handle this because we’re talking about not one company going under, or two companies going under — we’re talking about an industry-wide rush to leave the market.

Patterson: On the flip side of that are the surety companies. Tell us a little bit about what experts you spoke to were telling you about their health right now, especially during this continued downturn.

Olalde: So the sureties are interesting because they were supposed to be this shining light in the coal cleanup world. They were supposed to be this great idea. But they were predicated, again, on an industry that was worth something, that was worth money, on an industry that insurance companies could come in and give these policies and actually make money off of premiums. The problem is large insurance companies are full of very smart math nerds. They’re full of people that do the math and see when the risk to whatever you’re bringing in via premiums isn’t balancing. And so in the past few years, you’ve had a lot of these large insurance companies that used to back these providers … they’re all leaving the market. They’re realizing that the calculus isn’t there anymore. And so the little bit of money that they would make, it doesn’t really change their business, but the risk they would take on is hundreds of millions of dollars in cleanup liability. All we have left is a handful of smaller companies that are gobbling up all of this business from these really risky operators. I liken it to the 2008 financial crisis and some of the subprime mortgages that went under. It’s too much risk backed by a small number of people that don’t have the money to clean it up. I had several sources just call this A house of cards, and I don’t really disagree with them at all, because we’re seeing just kind of the writing on the wall for all the different ways of guaranteeing coal mine cleanup. 

Patterson: What’s at stake here?

Olalde: So, what’s at stake here is hundreds of millions of dollars, or billions of dollars, depending on how you do the calculus, of coal cleanup costs. We passed federal legislation in 1977. We passed state laws after that as well saying the coal companies will get this cleaned up. They’re using a public resource; they’re making money off of it. It’s up to them to make sure the environmental liability and the associated water pollution and air pollution, all of these things that come with it, are cleaned up by the people that made money off of it. You and I didn’t make money off of it as taxpayers, so it’s not our job to clean it up. The problem is, if this system collapses, and it won’t totally collapse, there are still bonds, there are still these bond pools … but the difference between how much money is available and how much money we need is likely billions of dollars. And our options at that point will be either taxpayers pay billions of dollars for cleanup for private companies, or we don’t clean up these mines. 

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