W.Va. ACLU Joins Suit Against Transgender Student Athlete Ban

A civil liberties and LGBTQ rights group are suing West Virginia and Harrison County officials, over a law targeting transgender athletes.

House Bill 3293 is slated to take effect July 8. It bars transgender girls and women from playing team sports with other girls and women, from middle school through college.The West Virginia chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit Wednesday with Lambda Legal, one of the largest national law firms for LGBTQ rights. They’re suing on behalf of an 11-year-old transgender girl who wanted to join her middle school’s cross-country team.

The lawsuit, filed in federal court in Charleston, names the state board of education and the Harrison County Board of Education.

The complaint said the law violates the U.S. Constitution and Title IX, a 1972 law that prohibits sex discrimination in school sports.

The national ACLU is challenging similar laws in other states.

Streaming Issues, Lawsuit Threat Sends Bills To House Tech Committee For Second Time

A number of bills were sent back to a West Virginia House of Delegates committee meeting for a second debate Thursday after technology issues prompted a state group to threaten legal action

In a letter, the American Civil Liberties Union of West Virginia (ACLU-WV) threatened to sue the House for a “blatant violation” of the open meetings act after the audio stream was unavailable or inaudible for a Wednesday morning meeting of the House Technology and Infrastructure Bill.

“When in-person access to the Capitol is restricted, it is more important than ever to ensure that the public may remain informed through the limited channels available,” wrote ACLU-WV legal director Loree Stark.

According to the ACLU-WV letter, committee members and staff were notified but the meeting continued in violation of the Open Meetings Act. The act requires government meetings remain open to the public.

During the meeting, the committee debated measures on water authorities, social media censorship, and Department of Motor Vehicle protocols.

After the lawsuit threat, the House recommitted the bills to the tech committee for a Thursday afternoon meeting and they were swiftly passed without debate.

“Staff members had been attempting to correct technology issues that were affecting sound quality this week, but when we became aware audio from a meeting was unusable, we made the decision to recommit the affected legislation and allow them to be debated again in committee for the benefit of the public,” said House Speaker Roger Hanshaw, R-Clay.

The ACLU-WV is still reviewing the committee’s move to advance the bills a second time and has not made a decision on potential litigation, said communications director Billy Wolfe in an email Thursday.

The organization’s initial letter gave 30 days notice of litigation that would seek to nullify any decisions made during Wednesday’s meeting that was beset with audio issues.

The midweek saga shows the hurdles between the public’s input and legislators during a session with restricted access due to the pandemic.

Before the session, 40 different advocacy groups across the state signed a letter with six recommendations for ensuring public access to legislators.

Among their demands were access to legislators in a safe manner, such as virtual office hours, public hearings, and the posting of agendas before meetings.

Several public hearings have been held on bills before the legislature, such as water standards, the income tax repeal plan, and others.

W.Va. Supreme Court Dismisses Petition To Release 39 Incarcerated People During Pandemic

This story was updated on April 24, 2020, at 12:30 p.m.

The West Virginia Supreme Court agreed on Thursday to dismiss a request that would’ve required the state to release 39 incarcerated individuals. The request was made by criminal justice reform advocates in response to fears of a coronavirus outbreak in the state’s correctional institutions, which have historically faced overcrowded conditions.

On April 9, the West Virginia chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union announced it had filed the petition with the state’s highest court, calling for the release of 39 specific people from the state’s jails and prisons who the ACLU said would pose no risk to public safety. 

The petition was not the only request from a criminal justice-minded group. On March 25, the ACLU and other groups for criminal justice reform called on the governor to order that the state Division of Corrections and Rehabilitation reduce its incarcerated population. 

On Thursday, the Department of Military Affairs, which oversees the DCR, reported 4,072 people were incarcerated in jails statewide. According to numbers in the DCR’s response to the ACLU’s petition, that’s 1,115 fewer people than were in the state’s jails on March 13.

Statewide, there are 193 more beds than people in jail. Still, four individual jails remained over capacity as of Thursday.

Prisons, which are different from jails, remained under capacity, according to numbers from DMAPS on Thursday. There were 5,068 people in West Virginia prisons on Thursday.

In the division’s response to the ACLU’s request, attorneys for the DCR said the agency has been, “[l]aser focused on the COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on the regional jails and prisons in West Virginia.” The response highlighted the reductions that already have been made, in addition to a statewide policy for correctional facilities the DCR made public on April 16.

The DCR’s response noted some of the 39 people in the request were not in state custody at the time the ACLU filed its petition. Twelve of the people named in the petition have already been released, while another four were deemed eligible and are preparing for release. One individual was eligible and declined.

“For the ACLU-WV to claim any credit would be a grave disservice to the men and women working tirelessly in the prosecutor and judicial offices across the state,” Messina stated. “DCR will continue to work with local prosecutors and law enforcement agencies to ensure that any reduction in inmate population is done with public safety at its core.”

The response noted facilities are supposed to report daily to DCR officials on implementation of the statewide COVID-19 policy. Under the policy, facilities are required to fill out worksheets assessing their ability to enforce the DCR’s measures and recommendations. 

Those worksheets and other policy implementation information have not been made available to the public. When asked about the worksheets last week, Messina said the materials include “policy directives and operational procedures of personnel relating to the safe and secure management of inmates or residents that if released, could be used by an inmate or resident to escape a facility, or to cause injury to another inmate, resident, or to facility personnel.”

Also on Thursday, a U.S. District Judge ruled that the DCR must file some previously confidential court documents — including statements related to the policy’s implementation from the DCR’s assistant commissioner and the DCR’s director of correctional health care — without redactions by Monday, April 27. The Judge agreed the policy that the DCR shared last week may remain redacted.

In a statement, the ACLU notes many of the inmates named in the petition are among those that already have been released. For those still incarcerated, the ACLU says they might file again in a lower court, which the Supreme Court said they could do. 

“We had hoped the Court would order all parties to get together and work collectively on the petition to accomplish two things: a necessary reduction in the facilities’ populations and removal of deserving individuals from a high-risk environment,” the ACLU stated. “Jails and prisons are no place to be in a viral pandemic. These crowded, poorly ventilated, and often unsanitary facilities are breeding grounds for disease, making incarcerated people and corrections workers vulnerable to infection. Prison walls will not contain a virus as contagious as COVID-19. This is a public health crisis waiting to happen.”

As more facilities across the nation are reporting a surge in inmates and staff testing positive, including those across the border in Ohio and Virginia, West Virginia remains one of the few where there have been no recorded instances of the virus in a jail or prison. 

Emily Allen is a Report for America corps member

State’s Policy For Handling COVID-19 Concerns In Jails, Prisons Remains Confidential

The number of inmates in West Virginia’s overcrowded criminal justice system has declined over the last few weeks, as prosecutors throughout the state identify low-risk inmates eligible for parole. 

But several groups are still calling on the state to do more, to further reduce its incarcerated population and ensure that staff and inmates have the appropriate space and supplies to protect themselves against COVID-19.

The ACLU-West Virginia on Thursday asked the West Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals to order the release of 39 medically vulnerable and low-risk inmates. In a press release, the organization says that many of the inmates in this request would’ve been released early anyway, once legislation like a bill for bail reform takes effect this summer. 

“It seems impossible that the facilities can conform to these sort of CDC-endorsed guidelines for correctional facilities, which include social distancing, when they have more people in the facilities than they do beds,” said Loree Stark, the group’s legal director.

At last count, West Virginia health officials were reporting 523 positive COVID-19 cases and five deaths. The state has reported no positive cases in any of its lockups. 

Four of the state’s 10 regional jails were running over capacity on Tuesday, said Lawrence Messina, spokesman for the state’s Department of Military Affairs and Public Safety, which handles the Division of Corrections and Rehabilitation. (One of the jails was five people over capacity.) 

On Monday, Messina reported there were more than 4,300 people in the state’s regional jails, nearly 800 fewer than the department reported on March 2 — but still about 100 more people than the jails have beds for. 

As of Tuesday, nearly 2,000 correctional officers and 1,250 nonuniform employees were staffing all of the state’s correctional facilities. 

Elaine Harris, a vice president with the West Virginia AFL-CIO, which represents corrections officers and nonuniform support staff, said the union is working closely with the DCR to ensure staff have access to protective wear. 

“Those are demanding jobs,” Harris added. “If you’re a young person trying to raise a family, and you have kids — we’ve asked them [the DCR] to try to be flexible with workers.”

The DCR has stated in legal documents that the division has had a COVID-19 response plan in place since March 20. But Messina said the division won’t share the full plan with the public, citing “security and public safety reasons.” 

In a summary posted to the state’s website with COVID-19 information, the DCR reported that it’s implementing a policy that “emphasizes frequent cleaning and disinfection of high-touch areas,” details practices for sick employees and isolation options for inmates, and outlines procedures for personal protective equipment and sanitation supplies, like face masks and hand sanitizer. 

The DCR added that it’s regularly checking temperatures of staff and inmates and waiving medical co-pays for inmates. 

When asked how overcrowding concerns might limit the DCR’s ability to enforce recommendations from the federal government for social distancing, Messina said the DCR has addressed the matter through its confidential, in-house COVID-19 response policy.

Advocates have called for that plan to be released to the public immediately. 

“We don’t have nearly the amount of information that’s really needed,” Stark said, “to ensure that the plans they have in place are going to protect those incarcerated and the employees in these facilities.”

A Fight For Information

The DCR rejected a Freedom of Information Act request from the ACLU for its COVID-19 response policy, citing a section of state code exempting the division from disclosing information related “to the safe and secure management of inmates or residents” that could be used to aid an escape or effort to cause harm. 

West Virginia Public Broadcasting is waiting on a response to its own FOIA request filed Wednesday. 

On March 25, a group of inmates asked a judge to take immediate action to address some of their concerns about the DCR’s COVID-19 response. U.S. District Judge Robert Chambers received the division’s policy under seal and wrote on Wednesday that the DCR has “been anything but unresponsive to the threat posed by COVID-19.”

“In fact,” Chambers wrote, “Defendants [the DCR] have produced what appears to be a comprehensive plan addressing the spread of COVID-19 in state jails and prisons. The plan addresses procedures to limit the entrance of COVID-19 into the corrections system, as well as methods to limit interfacility transmission and to transport infected individuals to hospitals for medical care.”

The March 25 motion also asked the judge to force the DCR to develop and disclose a plan for COVID-19, and to release a sufficient number of inmates to allow for social distancing in the correctional facilities.

The judge ultimately sided with the DCR when the division reported it already had a response policy in place. 

Those same inmates’ complaints against the DCR date to 2018, when they, with attorneys from the firm Mountain State Justice, filed a class action lawsuit against the DCR for poor and inappropriate access to medical care at their time of incarceration. 

One of the inmates named in the most recent motion, Donna Wells-Wright, says she had been at the North Central Regional Jail in Doddridge County on a state misdemeanor charge before she was released on bond April 1. 

She suffers from emphysema and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. She said she was released because of her conditions, which put her at a higher risk when it comes to COVID-19. 

She described living in fear for weeks before her release. 

“I mean, we’re scared to death, watching the TV, we don’t really know what’s going on,” she said in a phone interview on Wednesday. “And when I got home, and could actually watch the news, I was like, Oh my God, you know, we could’ve died in there.”

Wells-Wright was released weeks after the DCR said it began implementing its COVID-19 response policy. She said she remembers some improvements, but she said that jail was generally not a hygienic environment.

In the weeks before COVID-19, Wells-Wright recalled limited access to clean laundry. She said she had to share a mop bucket and broom with dozens of other women. By her account, it would take days for staff to spray the showers with bleach and water, and there wasn’t immediate access to enough feminine hygiene supplies. Inmates would use dirty dishes, likely meaning trays and silverware hadn’t properly been sanitized. 

And if she or another inmate wanted to buy a bottle of hand soap from commissary, Wells-Wright said it cost $10. 

In an email, Messina, the spokesman, said the DCR is providing inmates necessary sanitation supplies for no charge. 

“Inmates are routinely provided personal hygiene and cleaning supplies,” Messina wrote. “It is the inmates’ responsibility to keep themselves, their cells and the common areas clean.”

Messina also referred West Virginia Public Broadcasting to a section in a recent memo from Judge Chambers that notes inmates in the class action lawsuit admitted their facilities were doing a “good” and “decent” job with sanitation, during the coronavirus. 

Attorney Jennifer Wagner from Mountain State Justice said inmates and their loved ones have reached out to her, still saying there’s a lack of necessary supplies and space. She said her firm will continue to monitor the situation and go back to Judge Chambers if concern grows about the corrections COVID-19 policy.

“All of the basic sort of requirements that we are being asked to utilize in our day to day life — staying away from people, washing our hands multiple times, not just sneezing out into the air, using a tissue, not eating around other people — all of those things are not being implemented in the prisons and jails,” Wagner said. 

The Call For Release

In late March, a coalition supporting criminal justice reform called on Gov. Justice to issue an executive order for agencies involved in the state’s criminal justice system. Specifically, advocates want DCR to release inmates during the COVID-19 pandemic, local law enforcement officers to avoid in-person arrests when possible, and agencies to develop transitional living options for those released. 

“There is certainly some progress being made particularly around the release of pretrial people who are being incarcerated, pretrial, who cannot afford to make bail,” said Lida Shepherd, a member of the coalition who works with the American Friends Service Committee’s West Virginia Economic Justice Project. 

On March 27, shortly after the coalition’s request, the West Virginia Director of Court Services issued a memo instructing county prosecutors to begin reviewing “the most recent list of pretrial detainees, to identify any pre-trial individuals who do not constitute a public safety risk,” for release.

It’s unclear how many pretrial detainees will be or have been identified, since implementation of the order is up to individual county prosecutors. 

A little more than half of the state’s jail population, as Messina reported on Monday, are incarcerated and awaiting trial. 

But, Shepherd noted, four out of the state’s 10 regional jails remain overcrowded.

“There are people who are either approaching their parole eligibility date, and are within a year of parole eligibility, or who have particular health concerns that put them in a particular risk, if they were to contract COVID-19 and to expedite their release,” she said.

Shepherd said the coalition isn’t asking officials to release dangerous inmates.

“I don’t think anybody is saying we need to clear out all of our prisons and jails,” she said, “but I think that any measures that are taken to reduce [the inmate population], even minimally, could go really far to minimizing the risk.”

Several states also are releasing hundreds of inmates their corrections officials have identified.

So Where Do People Go?

Pastor Beverly Sharp, the director of re-entry initiatives for the West Virginia Council of Churches, said a global pandemic makes the already complex issue of re-entry even thornier. 

“All those safety net organizations that are typically available to them when they come out, are not available right now,” Sharp said. “They either are shuttered completely or they’re operating on telephones. And as you can imagine, when you come out of incarceration, if you don’t have somebody there waiting on you, you don’t have access to a telephone.”

She works with a staff of two employees, covering re-entry needs all over the state and also is in charge of 10 re-entry volunteer councils covering West Virginia. 

“I probably get one or two requests a day, from all different parts of the state for different things,” for things like housing and transportation, she said.

She has noticed that more shelters and other housing initiatives are closing their doors to new arrivals. And because most resources for unemployment benefits are currently only available online and over the phone, Sharp is concerned that those newly released won’t have immediate access to those services. 

“When we all shut down our public libraries, and we shut down access to our public computers, people that need those, to be able to apply for benefits and assistance, have no access anywhere,” Sharp said.

Sharp suggested the state allocate funding for transitional housing. 

“Even funding to place people in a hotel or, you know, some temporary place would be sufficient,” Sharp said.

Emily Allen is a Report for America corps member.

 

ACLU, Residents Criticize New City Drug Ordinance

The West Virginia chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union and city residents have expressed concern over a new Weirton ordinance that creates a criminal charge for those under the influence of drugs in public.

The Intelligencer reports the city council passed the law through an emergency reading in March. The ACLU chapter sent a letter April 6 and residents approached the council Monday.

Residents cited mental health concerns, vague language and inadequate law enforcement training and treatment provisions.

City Attorney Vince Gurrera is reviewing the letter and offered to speak with residents. He says the law was developed because of increased incidents. West Virginia has been hit hard by the opioid crisis.

Those convicted face up to $500 in fines and 30 days in jail.

A Sheriff's Department Buys New Body Cameras with Help from the Community

The Monongalia County Sheriff’s Department began wearing brand new body cameras this winter. The old cameras only had a two-hour battery life and didn’t record well in low-light situations. When then-Sheriff Al Kisner found that the new body cameras would cost the department about $40,000, he turned to the community. 

“We went to our county commission. They agreed to pay up to $20,000 of the purchase price and then we would pay the other half,” he said. “Miraculously what happened was we had a couple of individual groups that stepped up.” 

One of those groups was the Morgantown chapter of the Hogs & Heroes Foundation, a national group for motorcyclists that supports soldiers, veterans and first responders. They teamed up with an amateur radio club to raise about $11,000 last year for the body cameras. Lawrence “Big Sarge” Taylor, the president of the Morgantown chapter of Hogs & Heroes, said he initially read about the Sheriff’s Department’s need for body cameras in the local newspaper early last year. The group decided to commit last year’s fundraising efforts to supporting the purchase of the body cameras. 

 
“Our biggest fundraiser is what we call a helmet drive. You’ve probably seen fire departments hold boot drives, where they hold a boot out as you drive at and hopefully you donate. We hold helmets out,” Taylor said. 

 
The Monongalia County Sheriff’s Department isn’t the only police department to purchase body cameras – the Martinsburg Police Department in Berkeley County started wearing body cameras in February. 

Investing in Body Cameras ‘Preactical’

Valena Beety, a law professor who focuses on criminal procedure at the West Virginia University College of Law, said that investment in body cameras is a practical one for police departments, especially when civilians can video record their own encounters with police. She pointed out that body camera usage can also improve the relationship between police officers and the communities they serve. For example, the Charleston Police Department consulted with the American Civil Liberties Union of West Virginia before finalizing their body camera policy last year. 

 
“I know in Charleston and here in Morgantown, the departments are being proactive about how can we form a trusting relationship with the community as opposed to an antagonistic one where the community fears us,” she said.

 
The Monongalia County Sheriff’s Department has been scrutinized for its body camera policies before. Three officer-involved shootings occurred in 2015 and 2016, resulting in the deaths of three civilians. In all three cases, none of the deputies involved were wearing the old body cameras. 

 
“At that time of those incidents, the deputies weren’t wearing those cameras anymore because they were inadequate,” Kisner said.

Body Camera Footage and the Law
West Virginia does not have any statute pertaining specifically to body camera usage, meaning that police departments can set their own policies. The Monongalia County Sheriff’s Department’s policy is that all road deputies – meaning officers who respond to calls for service – must wear them and activate them when interacting with civilians. The footage is archived for two years and can be requested by attorneys, but isn’t available directly to the public.

 
The cameras are in standby mode when the deputy isn’t interacting with a civilian, since much of an officer’s time is spent driving or filing paperwork. But even in standby mode, the cameras are recording and temporarily saving footage. According to Sergeant Andy Pintus at the Monongalia County Sheriff’s Department, some deputies expressed hesitation about being under constant surveillance while on duty. 

 
“I tell guys, ‘Do you do anything wrong? Are you doing something you’re not supposed to do?’ And they say, ‘Well, no, I’m not doing anything wrong,'” Pintus said.  “I said, ‘Then what are you worried about?’ As long as you’re not doing anything wrong, and you’re following our guidelines and you’re professional and you’re respectful, you’ve got nothing to worried about.” 

 
Wes Metheny, an attorney in Morgantown, donated about $900 to the cause – enough to pay for one body camera. He also pledged to buy another one for every five body cameras other lawyers purchased, though no one took him up on his offer. As a personal injury lawyer, he says video evidence has played a crucial role in many of his cases. 

 
“In fact, I’ve seen cases in Morgantown where people have been cleared because of video evidence, and where they’ve been convicted because of video evidence,” he said. 

 
In other words, body cameras help protect both police officers and the community. 

 

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