Clarksburg Veterans’ Murders Focal Point of Senate Hearing

Members of the U.S. Senate Committee on Veterans’ Affairs heard from VA officials about how the department is improving its quality of care after investigations into multiple high-profile scandals.

The murder of patients at a veteran’s hospital in West Virginia were a focus of discussion in the U.S. Senate Wednesday.

Members of the U.S. Senate Committee on Veterans’ Affairs heard from VA officials about how the department is improving its quality of care after investigations into multiple high-profile scandals at VA facilities in recent years, including the murder of seven veterans at VAMC Clarksburg by a nurse assistant.

Sen. Joe Manchin, D-West Virginia, joined his colleagues in calling for greater accountability of leadership to avoid future tragedies.

“How do we hold the VA leaders responsible in instance like the murders at Clarksburg?” Manchin said. “ How do they stay in the system? How are they able to retire with a benefit, with such disrespect and such neglect and malfeasance of doing their job?”

VA officials stressed that incidents like the one at Clarksburg are rare, and insisted the organization has integrated the findings from the ensuing investigations.

“The lessons learned from Clarksburg and from Fayetteville were discussed widely and continue to be,” said VA Assistant Under Secretary Carolyn M. Clancy. “When we have big leadership meetings, we start with a patient safety story.”

Clancy is referring to a former pathologist at the Veterans Health Care System of the Ozarks in Fayetteville, Arkansas, who was charged with three counts of manslaughter in 2019.

A Manchin-sponsored bill granting subpoena power to the VA’s Office of Inspector General passed the Senate last month, and is due to be taken up by the House of Representatives next week.

Bob Dole, longtime GOP senator and 1996 presidential nominee, dies

Updated December 5, 2021 at 3:21 PM ET

Bob Dole, a longtime Senate Republican leader and the party’s presidential nominee in 1996, died Sunday at age 98.

Dole’s death was confirmed in a tweet by the Elizabeth Dole Foundation.

“It is with heavy hearts we announce that Senator Robert Joseph Dole died early this morning in his sleep. At his death, at age 98, he had served the United States of America faithfully for 79 years.”

Dole was in many ways the embodiment of the World War II generation in Congress. He had served in a combat division in Italy and suffered grievous wounds that kept him in military hospitals for years after the war. But despite losing the use of his right arm, he got through law school and became a public prosecutor, state legislator, representative and U.S. senator.

“Bob was an American statesman like few in our history,” said President Joe Biden, who served with Dole in the Senate. “A war hero and among the greatest of the Greatest Generation. And to me, he was also a friend whom I could look to for trusted guidance, or a humorous line at just the right moment to settle frayed nerves.”

Several former presidents shared similar sentiments, remembering Dole as the consummate statesman, and an example of the best of the Greatest Generation.

“Senator Bob Dole was a war hero, a political leader, and a statesman — with a career and demeanor harkening back to a day when members of the Greatest Generation abided by a certain code, putting country over party,” said former President Barack Obama.

Dole “represented the finest of American values,” said former President George W. Bush in a statement. “He defended them in uniform during World War II. He advanced them in the United States Senate. And he lived them out as a father, husband, and friend. Our entire family benefited from that friendship, including my father.”

Former President Bill Clinton, who defeated him to win re-election to the White House in 1996, praised Dole for dedicating his entire life to serving the American people. “After all he gave in the war, he didn’t have to give more. But he did. His example should inspire people today and for generations to come.”

Dole was a giant of the Senate, a powerful committee chairman in the early 1980s and then party leader from 1985 until he resigned 11 years later, in 1996, to concentrate on his presidential campaign. He had won the GOP nomination easily that year but fought an uphill, losing campaign against incumbent President Bill Clinton. Previously, Dole had been the party’s vice presidential nominee with President Gerald Ford in 1976 and had sought the presidential nomination in 1980 and 1988.

“When you think about the fact that Bob Dole was elected to the House of Representatives the same year that John F. Kennedy was elected president, and that he went on, for example, in [1994] to be one of the most important factors in the defeat of Bill Clinton’s health insurance plan, and then run for president in 1996, you realize that, in a sense, the last four decades of the 20th century were Bob Dole territory,” said Ross Baker, a political scientist at Rutgers University.

In retirement, Dole had remained active in Washington, serving on presidential commissions and supporting the political career of his wife, Elizabeth Dole, who served in the U.S. Senate from 2003 to 2007. In 2016, he endorsed Donald Trump’s GOP presidential candidacy. He also had something of a career in TV commercials for Viagra and Pepsi and became an occasional character on the cartoon show The Simpsons. He had been in declining health in recent years.

A native of Russell, Kan., Dole was a standout high school and college athlete who as a student at the University of Kansas in the early 1940s trained for an Olympic tryout. He first came to Washington in 1960 as a member of the House of Representatives, and won his first of five Senate elections in 1968. He emerged in the Senate as a strong partisan supporter of President Richard Nixon.

A tough partisan

Dole’s legislative career spanned more than 30 years, and he figured in most of the great legislative battles of his era. But his congressional record was more successful than his electoral career. He remains the only person to be nominated for both president and vice president without attaining either office.

Along the way, he developed a reputation as a tough partisan — a hatchet man — serving in that role first for Nixon and then later as Ford’s running mate in 1976.

In a vice presidential debate that year, Dole offered this partisan take on World War I, World War II, Korea and Vietnam: “All Democrat wars, all in this century. I figured up the other day, if we added up the killed and wounded — Democrat wars in this century — it’d be about 1.6 million Americans. Enough to fill the city of Detroit,” Dole said.

Later, during his second try for a presidential nomination, in 1988, he lashed out in anger after a bitter New Hampshire primary loss to Vice President George H.W. Bush.

There was the Bob Dole who was the harsh Republican rhetorician … the sort of mean-spirited Bob Dole. On the other hand, there was the man who increasingly became a Republican centrist.

When asked by then-NBC Nightly News anchor Tom Brokaw whether there was anything he would like to say to Bush, Dole replied: “Yeah, stop lying about my record.”

Rutgers University’s Baker said there were always two Bob Doles.

“There was the Bob Dole who was the harsh Republican rhetorician, the one who in the 1976 vice presidential campaign referred contemptuously to ‘Democrat wars,’ the one who characterized Jimmy Carter as ‘Southern-fried McGovern,’ the one with the kind of snide comment — the sort of mean-spirited Bob Dole,” Baker said. “On the other hand, there was the man who increasingly became a Republican centrist.”

The ultimate ambition: the presidency

When it came to legislative strategy, Dole was an expert, recalls veteran political strategist Scott Reed, who worked with Dole for more than 20 years and managed his 1996 run for the White House.

Dole “knew how to wait till the end, hold his cards close to his chest, and then make the move — which wasn’t always the greatest skill when you were running for president,” Reed said.

No one knew this better than Dole himself. Having tried to run for president twice while keeping his day job in the Senate, Dole decided in 1996 to step down as majority leader and concentrate on his ultimate ambition. In his farewell speech, he said he was leaving the Senate with nowhere to go but the White House or home.

“And I will then stand before you without office or authority, a private citizen, a Kansan, an American, just a man,” he said. “But I will be the same man I was when I walked into the room, the same man I was yesterday and the day before, and a long time ago, when I rose from my hospital bed and was permitted by the grace of God to walk again in the world.

“And I trust in the hard way, for little has come to me except in the hard way, which is good, because we have a hard task ahead of us.”

That speech was a rare reference to Dole’s grievous war wounds and long convalescence.

A dark sense of humor

Dole was known both for his wit and as a connoisseur of political humor, writing a book about it called Great Presidential Wit.

Former South Dakota Sen. Tom Daschle, who as Democratic leader often locked horns with Dole, tells a favorite story about those years.

“However often we met, he always insisted on coming to my office,” Daschle said. “And I thought he was paying deference to me until one day, as I was walking him out of my office and told him how much I appreciated the fact that he kept coming to my office rather than asking me to come to his, he said, ‘Well if I come to your office, I can decide when the meeting’s over.’ That’s Bob Dole.”

Always deadpan, the Dole humor could also be a little dark. “You don’t want a bill sitting around too long,” he would say. “People might read it.”

On one occasion, when a Republican colleague cast a crucial vote while lying on his back on a hospital gurney, Dole said that particular senator “voted better under sedation.”

As often as not, the butt of his jokes was himself.

“I’ve probably had more health care than anybody in this room,” Dole said at a 2009 event on health care. “And apparently, it’s been successful, except for the mental part.”

Poking fun at himself

In retirement, he almost made a second career of poking fun at himself. He had a cameo on The Simpsons and appeared in a commercial with Britney Spears. Another commercial he made for Viagra was so famous that he made yet another one spoofing it for Pepsi.

“I’m eager to tell you about a product that put real joy back in my life. It helps me feel youthful and vigorous, and most importantly, vital again. What is this amazing product? My faithful little blue friend: an ice-cold Pepsi-Cola,” he said in the commercial.

In his post-Senate years, Dole worked again with Daschle, this time on the same side: at a law firm and at a bipartisan policy center they founded. Daschle reflected on the career that took Dole a long way from its beginnings as a partisan bomb-thrower.

“Bob Dole’s professional career gradually morphed into something far more substantive and far more complex,” Daschle said of his longtime adversary and colleague. “He has said on more than one occasion that the most successful moments of his career had to do with times when he reached across the aisle with Democratic senators and other leaders.”

Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.

New Bipartisan STEM Caucus Aims To See More Women In Science, Math Careers

The U.S. Senate launched a new caucus focused on helping women advance in STEM education and careers. West Virginia’s Sen. Shelley Moore Capito is one of the lawmakers spearheading the effort.

The bipartisan caucus was started by Capito, a Republican, and Sen. Jacky Rosen of Nevada, a Democrat. The two women announced its launch on Monday, which was also National STEM Day. STEM stands for science, technology, engineering and math.

Capito said the caucus will focus on providing a forum for discussion and legislative collaboration about ways to expand access for women in these fields.

“STEM fields are where the in-demand jobs are right now, and it’s where they will be in the future. These are jobs in industries that are critical to our economy, and will help our states and country as a whole grow,” Capito said. “However, as a former educator and college advisor, I have seen firsthand how young women often do not consider STEM education for career paths … Inspiring our young women to rise up and reach their potential is so important, and I’m excited to be a part of this partnership that will help continue the momentum we’ve started.”

According to the U.S. Census, women are still underrepresented in the STEM workforce, holding less than one-third of all jobs in the field.

“I know the career opportunities that are available with STEM education, and I’m committed to helping more women, particularly women of color, enter and succeed in these exciting fields,” said Rosen. “This bipartisan caucus will bring together diverse voices to develop and promote policies and programs that support women and girls in STEM. We will also raise awareness on how women’s underrepresentation in STEM classes and jobs limits the United States from achieving our full economic potential and fully addressing some of the most pressing challenges of the 21st century.”

In related news, Capito will be in Wheeling on Nov. 10, at Bethlehem Elementary School for her West Virginia Girls Rise Up program. Capito launched this initiative in 2015 with the goal of empowering young women through education, fitness, and self-confidence.

W.Va. Department Of Education Names Six Finalists For U.S. Senate Youth Program

Six high school students have been named as West Virginia’s finalists for this year’s U.S. Senate Youth Program (USSYP).

According to the West Virginia Department of Education, students are chosen from an extensive application pool of juniors and seniors who compete to be one of two USSYP delegates to represent the state. If chosen, students receive support for college and take a deep dive to learn about the government process.

The 2022 finalists are junior Logan Paige Jordan of Cabell County, senior Anna Elizabeth Walter of Jefferson County, senior William Aiden McCloud of Lincoln County, senior Erik Diesel Cochrane of Logan County, senior Zane Alan Tanner of Roane County, and senior Brandon Matthew Frazier of Wayne County.

“In addition to outstanding leadership abilities and a strong commitment to volunteer work, these six student finalists rank academically in the top one percent of their class among high school juniors and seniors,” said West Virginia Superintendent of Schools Clayton Burch. “The United States Senate Youth Program provides our young leaders with unique opportunities to interact with senior members of government and observe our federal government in action. We are tremendously proud of these high-achieving students, and we know they will represent West Virginia well not only now but also in the future.”

A panel of law and civics professionals from around the state will interview the six finalists this month and pick two winners in December.

Those two winners will each receive a $10,000 undergraduate college scholarship and attend a week-long leadership virtual program in March known as Washington Week.

The USSYP is in its 60th year, and it’s sponsored by the U.S. Senate and fully funded by the Hearst Foundation.

The purpose of the program is to help educate more young people about the three branches of U.S. government, its officials and America’s role in democracy around the world.

W.Va. Congressional Delegation Gets Varied Rankings In ‘Bipartisan Index,’ But Voting Records Tell A Different Story

West Virginia’s mostly Republican congressional delegation has varied rankings when it comes to their level of bipartisanship, according to an index evaluating the most recent class of federal lawmakers.

The Bipartisan Index from The Lugar Center at Georgetown University’s McCourt School of Public Policy measures how often a member of Congress introduces bills that attract co-sponsors from the other party and how often they co-sponsor a bill introduced from across the aisle.

The latest rankings, released Monday, evaluates the 116th Congress and its members in the U.S House of Representatives and Senate, which included Reps. David McKinley, Alex Mooney and Carol Miller, as well as Sens. Joe Manchin and Shelley Moore Capito.

“Although partisan combat between the parties and their leaderships reached a crescendo during the 116th Congress, individual members of Congress worked on legislation with their opposing party counterparts with surprising frequency,” said Lugar Center Policy Director Dan Diller. “The Bipartisan Index scores show that despite the embittered partisan climate, members still sought out bipartisan partnerships in the run-up to the 2020 election — usually below the radar of the national news cycle.”

McKinley, who represents West Virginia’s 1st District, ranked 10th out of all 435 members of the U.S. House, according to the rankings. In a Monday news release, he celebrated his ranking.

“The people of the 1st District elected me to represent them in Washington, not a party,” McKinley said. “They want someone who can work across the aisle to achieve results, and that is how we have approached the job.”

Mooney, of the 2nd District, ranked 394th, according to the index. Miller, of the 3rd District, ranked 288th.

Spokespersons for Mooney and Miller did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Capito, a Republican, ranked sixth among all 100 lawmakers in the upper chamber. Manchin — a Democrat who is often considered one of the most moderate members of the Senate — ranked 26th, according to the Lugar Center’s index.

“I’m proud to have good relationships with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, and I will continue to work in a bipartisan way to find real and meaningful solutions that better the lives of all West Virginians,” Capito said.

A spokesperson for Manchin did not immediately offer comment on his ranking.

Scores for the Bipartisan Index are based on “two broad, equally weighted categories,” according to the Lugar Center’s website.

“A bipartisan sponsorship is defined as the introduction of a bill that attracts cosponsors from the opposing party. Similarly, a bipartisan co-sponsorship is the act of a congressional member adding his or her name in support of a bill introduced by a member of the opposing party,” the website explains in its methodology of the index.

However, the Lugar Center’s index does not consider actual votes on bills, which might give constituents a better idea of how strongly lawmakers stick with members of their own party.

Represent — a web app maintained by the non-profit news outlet ProPublica — tracks voting records and how often a lawmaker breaks with a majority of their respective party.

During the 116th Congress, Capito voted against a majority of Senate Republicans 10 times (1.5%), putting her 97th among all senators. Manchin voted against a majority of Senate Democrats 174 times (24.8%), putting him second out of all members of the upper chamber to break from his own party in 2019 and 2020.

McKinley voted against a majority of House Republicans 74 times (7.8%) during the previous class of lawmakers. Mooney voted against a majority of his party 83 times (8.8%) and Miller voted against a majority of her caucus 34 times (3.6%) in the same two-year period.

Those voting records rank McKinley 84th, Mooney 74th and Miller 207th among all House members in how often they broke with their party during the 116th Congress.

Just last week, the U.S. Census Bureau announced that West Virginia will lose a congressional seat in 2022. All three Republican members of the House have said they plan to run for reelection in what will become two districts, but will reevaluate things once new maps are drawn.

Should McKinley, Mooney and Miller all decide to run, two of them would face off in a primary election in one of the two newly formed districts.

The 50-50 Split In The U.S. Senate ‘We Have Precedent For This, And It Can Be Done.’

The U.S. Senate is now locked in a 50-50 tie with equal numbers of Republicans and Democrats. This new balance comes after the Georgia runoff election wins by John Ossof and Reverend Raphael Warnock. This is only the fourth time in the history of the United States this has happened.

Reporter Eric Douglas spoke with political science professor Mary Beth Beller, from Marshall University, about what that tie means for the Senate moving forward.

This interview has been lightly edited for clarity.

Douglas: The Senate is facing a 50-50 split with the vice president serving as a tiebreaker. What’s that going to be like for the Senate’s ability to get anything done?

Beller: It actually depends on how closely Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell decides that he and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer can work together. We actually have precedent for this, and it can be done. And it can actually be done well. They can use the previous model established by the former Senate Minority Leader Trent Lott and former Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle, in 2001, in which they did several things. First, they agreed to have committees be 50-50, in terms of representation. They also decided that both parties would evenly split the Senate budget. And that’s really important because the budget determines the number of staff positions that each committee can have, that each senator can have. And so they really worked hard to divide things all the way down the line, and work together. Most important is that the controlling party gets to set the calendar, the calendar refers to what items are going to be put on an agenda for consideration by committees, but also what items are coming up for a vote. What Daschle and Lott did was to agree to evenly share that calendar,

Douglas: How successful were they? What were they able to accomplish in 2001?

Beller: The big piece of legislation that came out of that was the “No Child Left Behind Act.” In hindsight, it had a lot of problems and was changed over time and eventually fell by the wayside. But, at the time, it was a bipartisan effort to recognize the necessity of having the federal government involved in education policy. It had been debated between the parties before. So it was a big piece of legislation. And it happened early on during that time period.

Douglas: Do you think it was possible that the fact that they were split 50-50 forced them to negotiate on something like this, versus ‘we have a majority, we can just do whatever we want’ — the kind of approach we’ve seen for the last few years in the Senate?

Beller: We could still see a stalemate, if the Democrats and Republicans see it in their political favor to do so. However, there are a lot of issues where there are some agreements. And so they might be able to work in a bipartisan manner, especially splitting committees 50-50. And budget sharing is a big, big deal. If they agree to do that, then I think that’s going to lend itself toward more cooperation.

Douglas: And maybe not on everything, but on a couple key things. They don’t have to join hands and suddenly become one party.

Beller: Dachle and Lott have both said they understood that there were some policies that their parties just weren’t going to go for. That’s why they set the calendar to prioritize issues where there was common ground. And I think we could get that out of McConnell and Schumer now.

Douglas: You said this has happened before as well. What are some of the historical precedents?

Beller: In 1953, during the President Dwight D. Eisenhower era, with Vice President Richard Nixon as the president of the Senate, but that only lasted a short while. The other time that I’ve found was actually much more contentious. That was in 1881, under President James Garfield’s reign. Back then we only had 37 states, but the Senate was still split. President Garfield needed to call the Senate in to confirm his committee members, and it exploded in a huge fight that lasted 11 weeks. The senators did not want to cooperate. Eventually, one of the Democrats broke ranks with his party and joined the Republicans to caucus. And so that enabled a majority vote in order to get some things done.

Douglas: Do you foresee this 50-50 split going until the next midterm election or do you think there will be something else happening along the way?

Beller: Typically, members of a party really frown on electing someone who then switches parties. It’s not popular in state party politics as you can imagine. So if that 50-50 changes in either direction, it can upset that balance. Obviously, if a senator switches to Democrat, then it would give the Democrats a clear majority. And there would be less emphasis for Schumer to actually share budgets or share policy control with McConnell.

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